{"id":10042,"date":"2026-07-09T23:44:34","date_gmt":"2026-07-09T20:44:34","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/?p=10042"},"modified":"2026-07-09T23:44:35","modified_gmt":"2026-07-09T20:44:35","slug":"kimlik-siyasetinin-illuzyonu-ve-sinifsal-saf-tutus-dilan-yesilgoz-ornegi-semdin-simsir","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/2026\/07\/09\/kimlik-siyasetinin-illuzyonu-ve-sinifsal-saf-tutus-dilan-yesilgoz-ornegi-semdin-simsir\/","title":{"rendered":"Kimlik Siyasetinin \u0130ll\u00fczyonu ve S\u0131n\u0131fsal Saf Tutu\u015f: Dilan Ye\u015filg\u00f6z \u00d6rne\u011fi \u2013 \u015eemdin \u015eim\u015fir"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Modern kapitalist sistemin ve onun neoliberal-egemen ideolojisinin en b\u00fcy\u00fck ill\u00fczyonlar\u0131ndan biri, ezilen kimliklerin egemen b\u00fcrokratik mekanizmalarda en \u00fcst d\u00fczeylere gelmesini bir &#8220;ilerleme, entegrasyon ve evrensel ba\u015far\u0131&#8221; \u00f6yk\u00fcs\u00fc olarak ambalajlamas\u0131d\u0131r. Alevi ve m\u00fclteci bir ailenin \u00e7ocu\u011fu olarak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den ayr\u0131lan, y\u0131llar sonra ise Hollanda\u2019da Adalet ve G\u00fcvenlik Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile parti liderli\u011fi gibi burjuva devletinin en ceberrut ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131n, yani ordunun, polisin ve yarg\u0131n\u0131n koruyuculu\u011funun ba\u015f\u0131na ge\u00e7en Dilan Ye\u015filg\u00f6z fig\u00fcr\u00fc, bu kimlik temelli ill\u00fczyonun en somut turnusol ka\u011f\u0131d\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00f6kensel ge\u00e7mi\u015fi \u00fczerinden Ye\u015filg\u00f6z\u2019e \u00f6vg\u00fcler dizen kitlelerin d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tarihsel yan\u0131lg\u0131, sol ve emekten yana bir perspektiften bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda yap\u0131sal bir \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi, ideolojik bir k\u00f6rle\u015fmeyi ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir yabanc\u0131la\u015fmay\u0131 g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne serer.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Marksist-Leninist teori a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bir bireyin tarihsel i\u015flevini, ideolojik niteli\u011fini ve toplumsal rol\u00fcn\u00fc belirleyen \u015fey; onun etnik k\u00f6keni, inan\u00e7 d\u00fcnyas\u0131 ya da ailesinin ge\u00e7mi\u015fte u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ma\u011fduriyetler de\u011fil; \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerindeki g\u00fcncel konumu, hangi s\u0131n\u0131fa ait oldu\u011fu ve hangi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na hizmet etti\u011fidir. Ye\u015filg\u00f6z\u2019\u00fcn m\u00fclteci ve ezilen bir arka plandan gelmesine tezat olu\u015fturacak bi\u00e7imde, Hollanda\u2019da g\u00f6\u00e7men kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve kemer s\u0131kma politikalar\u0131yla bilinen sa\u011f-muhafazakar VVD\u2019nin liderli\u011fine soyunmas\u0131 ve a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131, zenofobik koalisyon mekanizmalar\u0131nda kurucu rol oynamas\u0131 tarihsel bir rastlant\u0131 de\u011fildir. Aksine bu durum, burjuva siyasetinin asimilasyon ve dev\u015firme mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131n ne kadar kusursuz i\u015fledi\u011finin kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Siyonizmin s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Gazze\u2019deki soyk\u0131r\u0131m boyutuna varan katliamlar\u0131 ve emperyalist \u015fiddeti devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcyle a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a savunan bir akt\u00f6r\u00fcn K\u00fcrt, T\u00fcrk ya da Alevi olmas\u0131n\u0131n hi\u00e7bir kurtar\u0131c\u0131, hafifletici veya aklay\u0131c\u0131 de\u011feri yoktur. O art\u0131k ezilenlerin bir sesi de\u011fil, k\u00fcresel finans kapitalin ve emperyalist stat\u00fckonun sad\u0131k bir memurudur. Kimlik siyaseti, tam da bu noktada egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n en radikal ve ac\u0131mas\u0131z politikalar\u0131n\u0131 &#8220;g\u00f6\u00e7men k\u00f6kenli bir kad\u0131n fig\u00fcr&#8221; vitriniyle estetikle\u015ftirme, me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rma ve ele\u015ftirilmez k\u0131lma i\u015flevi g\u00f6ren bir ideolojik kalkan vazifesi \u00fcstlenmektedir. Bu vitrin sayesinde, y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ve d\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131 politikalara kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirilecek hakl\u0131 muhalefet, &#8220;\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k&#8221; veya &#8220;cinsiyet\u00e7ilik&#8221; demagojileriyle manip\u00fcle edilerek etkisiz hale getirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu durumun diaspora topluluklar\u0131nda veya ezilen kesimlerde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 &#8220;bizden biri ba\u015fard\u0131&#8221; co\u015fkusu ise patolojik bir telafi psikolojisinin ve ideolojik hegemonya alt\u0131ndaki ezilmi\u015flik kompleksinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. Ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 metropollerde d\u0131\u015flanmaya, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye maruz kalan kitleler, kendileriyle benzer k\u00f6kleri payla\u015fan birinin egemen basamaklar\u0131 t\u0131rmanmas\u0131yla sahte bir tatmin, aidiyet ve onaylanma hissiyat\u0131 ya\u015farlar. Bu durum, Antonio Gramsci\u2019nin i\u015faret etti\u011fi &#8220;k\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonya&#8221; ve r\u0131za \u00fcretiminin kusursuz bir \u00f6rne\u011fidir. Burjuva devleti, bu fig\u00fcrler \u00fczerinden kitlelere \u015fu alt metni f\u0131s\u0131ldar: &#8220;Bak\u0131n, bizim sistemimizde herkes y\u00fckselebilir; demek ki yap\u0131sal bir \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k veya s\u0131n\u0131fsal bariyer yok, sorun sadece sistemde tutunamayan g\u00f6\u00e7menlerin kendisinde.&#8221; Bu manip\u00fclasyon neticesinde ezilenler, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131n kendisini d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek veya y\u0131kmak yerine, onun dilini konu\u015fan, onun k\u0131rbac\u0131n\u0131 sallayan cellatlar\u0131na hayranl\u0131k duymaya ba\u015flarlar. Kendi co\u011frafyas\u0131nda \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa ve fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p, Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ve Siyonist politikalar\u0131n\u0131 rehber edinen &#8220;dev\u015firilmi\u015f&#8221; bir burjuva siyaset\u00e7isiyle gurur duymak, s\u0131n\u0131fsal bilincin en a\u011f\u0131r bi\u00e7imde fel\u00e7 olmas\u0131 demektir. Bu bilin\u00e7 tutulmas\u0131, kitlelerin ger\u00e7ek d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mas\u0131n\u0131 engeller ve onlar\u0131 egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n yedek g\u00fcc\u00fc haline getirir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Sonu\u00e7 olarak, Dilan Ye\u015filg\u00f6z \u00f6rne\u011fi siyasetin \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn ve niteli\u011finin soy a\u011fa\u00e7lar\u0131nda de\u011fil, barikat\u0131n hangi taraf\u0131nda duruldu\u011funda yatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bir kez daha a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kan\u0131tlamaktad\u0131r. Biz sosyalistler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n turnusol\u00fc nettir: Bir siyaset\u00e7inin nerede do\u011fdu\u011fu, hangi dili konu\u015ftu\u011fu veya ailesinin neye inand\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fil; bug\u00fcn kimin saf\u0131nda durdu\u011fu, hangi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 korudu\u011fu ve mazlum halklar\u0131n katledilmesi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda nerede konumland\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n vitrinindeki bu tarz sahte ba\u015far\u0131 hikayeleri, proletaryan\u0131n ve ezilen halklar\u0131n enternasyonalist m\u00fccadelesini b\u00f6lmeye matuf ideolojik tuzaklard\u0131r. Ezilenlerin nihai kurtulu\u015fu, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci sistemin koridorlar\u0131nda y\u00fckselen bireysel fig\u00fcrlerin alk\u0131\u015flanmas\u0131nda de\u011fil; anti-emperyalist, anti-kapitalist ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir m\u00fccadele zemininde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenerek bu koridorlar\u0131 yerle bir etmektedir. Saf\u0131m\u0131z burjuva devletinin vitrinleri de\u011fil, ezilen ve direnen d\u00fcnya halklar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Modern kapitalist sistemin ve onun neoliberal-egemen ideolojisinin&#46;&#46;&#46;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":10043,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7,29],"tags":[],"manset":[],"class_list":["post-10042","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-makaleler","category-manset"],"amp_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10042","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=10042"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10042\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10044,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10042\/revisions\/10044"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10043"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10042"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=10042"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=10042"},{"taxonomy":"manset","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/manset?post=10042"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}