On y\u0131l ge\u00e7ti. \u0130ktidar h\u00e2l\u00e2 15 Temmuz’u yaln\u0131zca “demokrasi destan\u0131” olarak anlat\u0131yor. Oysa bu anlat\u0131, darbenin \u00f6ncesini unutturmay\u0131, sonras\u0131n\u0131 ise me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 ama\u00e7layan resmi tarih yaz\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n temel dayanaklar\u0131ndan biri haline geldi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc 15 Temmuz’u anlamak i\u00e7in yaln\u0131zca o geceye de\u011fil, o geceyi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan siyasal ortakl\u0131\u011fa ve sonras\u0131nda kurulan rejime bakmak gerekiyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bir darbe giri\u015fimi g\u00f6kten d\u00fc\u015fmez. Devletin en kritik kurumlar\u0131na y\u0131llarca \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bi\u00e7imde yerle\u015fen bir yap\u0131n\u0131n ordu i\u00e7inde belirleyici bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline gelmesi, siyasal iktidar\u0131n a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 alan olmadan m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Fethullah\u00e7\u0131 yap\u0131, AKP iktidar\u0131 d\u00f6neminde emniyetten yarg\u0131ya, e\u011fitimden b\u00fcrokrasiye ve T\u00fcrk Silahl\u0131 Kuvvetleri’ne kadar devletin b\u00fct\u00fcn stratejik kurumlar\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc. Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan’\u0131n y\u0131llar sonra dile getirdi\u011fi “Ne istediler de vermedik” s\u00f6z\u00fc de bu siyasal ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n en a\u00e7\u0131k itiraflar\u0131ndan biri olarak haf\u0131zalardaki yerini koruyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ergenekon ve Balyoz davalar\u0131yla Cumhuriyet’in laik kadrolar\u0131 tasfiye edilirken, devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131 siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131 ittifak\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda yeniden \u015fekillendirildi. O g\u00fcn “demokratikle\u015fme” s\u00f6ylemiyle me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan operasyonlar\u0131n, ger\u00e7ekte devlet i\u00e7indeki g\u00fc\u00e7 dengelerini de\u011fi\u015ftirmeye ve yeni rejimin kadrolar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmaya hizmet etti\u011fi y\u0131llar i\u00e7inde daha a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla 15 Temmuz’u yaln\u0131zca “FET\u00d6’n\u00fcn darbe giri\u015fimi” olarak anlatmak, tarihin yaln\u0131zca son perdesini g\u00f6stermektir. Darbeye kalk\u0131\u015fan yap\u0131, iktidar\u0131n y\u0131llarca birlikte y\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, devlet i\u00e7inde birlikte b\u00fcy\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc siyasal orta\u011f\u0131yd\u0131. \u0130ttifak\u0131n bozulmas\u0131n\u0131n nedeni demokrasi ya da hukuk de\u011fil, devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131 \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011fin payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
248 ki\u015fi ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 yitirdi\u011fi darbe giri\u015fimi ku\u015fkusuz halk iradesine y\u00f6nelmi\u015f kanl\u0131 bir sald\u0131r\u0131d\u0131r ve mahk\u00fbm edilmelidir. Ancak darbeyi lanetlemek, onu m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan siyasal ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve tarihsel sorumlulu\u011fun \u00fczerini \u00f6rtmenin gerek\u00e7esi olamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bitmeyen sorular ve “kontroll\u00fc darbe” tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131<\/p>\n\n\n\n
15 Temmuz’u T\u00fcrkiye’nin \u00f6nceki askeri darbelerinden ay\u0131ran en \u00f6nemli \u00f6zelliklerden biri de darbe giri\u015fiminin niteli\u011fi ve ard\u0131ndan ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u00e7ok say\u0131daki yan\u0131ts\u0131z sorudur. Merkezi koordinasyondan yoksun, kritik devlet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 tam anlam\u0131yla denetim alt\u0131na alamayan, siyasal destek olu\u015fturamayan ve bir\u00e7ok y\u00f6n\u00fcyle ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa mahk\u00fbm g\u00f6r\u00fcnen bu kalk\u0131\u015fma, daha ilk saatlerden itibaren kamuoyunda ciddi tart\u0131\u015fmalara neden oldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Darbe haz\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n devlet taraf\u0131ndan ne zaman \u00f6\u011frenildi\u011fi, neden engellenemedi\u011fi, hangi kararlar\u0131n hangi a\u015famada al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve giri\u015fimin belirli bir noktaya kadar ilerlemesine neden izin verildi\u011fine ili\u015fkin sorular aradan ge\u00e7en on y\u0131la ra\u011fmen tam anlam\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturulmu\u015f de\u011fildir. TBMM Darbe Ara\u015ft\u0131rma Komisyonu’nun \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na ili\u015fkin tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n s\u00fcrmesi, baz\u0131 kritik isimlerin dinlenmemesi ve rapor s\u00fcrecine y\u00f6nelik ele\u015ftiriler de bu soru i\u015faretlerini beslemeyi s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu nedenle muhalefet partileri, hukuk\u00e7ular ve \u00e7ok say\u0131da ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan dile getirilen “kontroll\u00fc darbe” tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 da tamamen g\u00fcndemden d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f de\u011fildir. Bu tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 bi\u00e7imde sonland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n tek yolu ise darbe giri\u015fiminin b\u00fct\u00fcn y\u00f6nleriyle ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, \u015feffaf ve siyasal etkilerden uzak bir bi\u00e7imde ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
“Allah’\u0131n l\u00fctfu”ndan Saray rejimine<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan’\u0131n darbe giri\u015fiminin hemen ard\u0131ndan kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 “Bu, Allah’\u0131n bir l\u00fctfudur” s\u00f6z\u00fc, geride kalan on y\u0131l\u0131n siyasal bilan\u00e7osunu \u00f6zetleyen en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 ifadelerden biri oldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
15 Temmuz, iktidar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yaln\u0131zca bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir darbe giri\u015fimi de\u011fil, devleti kendi siyasal ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda yeniden bi\u00e7imlendirme f\u0131rsat\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
OHAL ilan edildi. Kanun H\u00fckm\u00fcnde Kararnamelerle yaln\u0131zca darbe giri\u015fimine kat\u0131lanlar de\u011fil, binlerce akademisyen, gazeteci, kamu emek\u00e7isi, sendikac\u0131, sosyalist, devrimci ve demokrat muhalif de tasfiye edildi. Grevler yasakland\u0131, bas\u0131n \u00fczerindeki bask\u0131lar yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131, \u00fcniversiteler ve yarg\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde y\u00fcr\u00fctmenin denetimi alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
2017 anayasa referandumu ile kuvvetler ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131l\u0131rken, b\u00fct\u00fcn yetkilerin tek elde topland\u0131\u011f\u0131 Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 H\u00fck\u00fcmet Sistemi kuruldu. Darbe giri\u015fiminin ard\u0131ndan yarat\u0131lan ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc atmosfer, bu rejim de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011finin siyasal me\u015fruiyet zemini olarak kullan\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
“FET\u00d6” s\u00f6ylemi ve siyasal sorumlulu\u011fun g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131l\u0131nmas\u0131<\/p>\n\n\n\n
AKP iktidar\u0131, darbenin ard\u0131ndan FET\u00d6’y\u00fc devlet i\u00e7indeki b\u00fct\u00fcn k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fcklerin tek ve mutlak sorumlusu olarak g\u00f6steren kapsaml\u0131 bir siyasal s\u00f6ylem in\u015fa etti. Darbe giri\u015fimini planlayan ve uygulayan yap\u0131n\u0131n sorumlulu\u011fu tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131z olmakla birlikte, bu s\u00f6ylem ayn\u0131 zamanda y\u0131llarca bu yap\u0131yla kurulan siyasal ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve onu devletin merkezine ta\u015f\u0131yan siyasi iradenin tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n da \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7ti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
B\u00f6ylece “FET\u00d6 ile m\u00fccadele”, yaln\u0131zca darbecilerin tasfiyesi i\u00e7in de\u011fil, muhalefetin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, demokratik haklar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 H\u00fck\u00fcmet Sistemi etraf\u0131nda \u015fekillenen yeni rejimin tahkimi i\u00e7in de etkili bir siyasal ara\u00e7 haline getirildi. “Siyasi ayak” tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 y\u0131llar boyunca g\u00fcndemde tutulmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, bu konuda toplumu tatmin edecek kapsaml\u0131 bir siyasal hesapla\u015fma hi\u00e7bir zaman ya\u015fanmad\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bedeli yine halk \u00f6dedi<\/p>\n\n\n\n
15 Temmuz’un ard\u0131ndan kayy\u0131mlar ola\u011fan y\u00f6netim prati\u011fine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc, se\u00e7ilmi\u015f belediye ba\u015fkanlar\u0131 g\u00f6revden al\u0131nd\u0131, yarg\u0131 siyasetin temel m\u00fcdahale ara\u00e7lar\u0131ndan biri haline geldi. OHAL resmen sona erse de onun hukuk anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve y\u00f6netim prati\u011fi kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bug\u00fcn geriye d\u00f6n\u00fcp bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131k olan \u015fudur: Darbe giri\u015fiminin kazanan\u0131 ne halk oldu ne de demokrasi. Kazanan, bu s\u00fcreci kendi iktidar\u0131n\u0131 tahkim etmek, devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 yeniden bi\u00e7imlendirmek ve otoriter ba\u015fkanl\u0131k rejimini kurumsalla\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in kullanan siyasal iktidar oldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
15 Temmuz’un ger\u00e7ek muhasebesi; darbeyi mahk\u00fbm ederken, darbecileri y\u0131llarca devletin merkezine ta\u015f\u0131yan siyasal ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131, bu ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131 ve darbe sonras\u0131nda kurulan rejimi birlikte sorgulamaktan ge\u00e7iyor. Tarih, yaln\u0131zca silah\u0131 ate\u015fleyenleri de\u011fil, o silah\u0131 y\u0131llarca devletin i\u00e7ine yerle\u015ftiren siyasal tercihleri de yazar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
T\u00fcrkiye’nin ihtiyac\u0131 resmi tarih anlat\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fan ger\u00e7ek bir y\u00fczle\u015fmedir. Bu y\u00fczle\u015fme, yaln\u0131zca darbenin karanl\u0131kta kalan y\u00f6nlerini de\u011fil; siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131 ittifaklar\u0131n devleti nas\u0131l d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, OHAL rejiminin nas\u0131l kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve b\u00fct\u00fcn bu s\u00fcrecin faturas\u0131n\u0131n neden emek\u00e7ilere, muhaliflere ve halk\u0131n ilerici kesimlerine \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da ortaya koymal\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak o zaman 15 Temmuz, iktidar\u0131n her y\u0131l yeniden \u00fcretti\u011fi hamasi s\u00f6ylemlerin \u00f6tesinde, T\u00fcrkiye’nin yak\u0131n tarihine dair ger\u00e7ek bir muhasebenin konusu olabilir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
On y\u0131l ge\u00e7ti. \u0130ktidar h\u00e2l\u00e2 15 Temmuz’u...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":10086,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7,29],"tags":[],"manset":[],"class_list":["post-10085","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-makaleler","category-manset"],"amp_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10085","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=10085"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10085\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10087,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10085\/revisions\/10087"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10086"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10085"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=10085"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=10085"},{"taxonomy":"manset","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/manset?post=10085"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}