Kapitalist toplumlarda siyasal krizler hi\u00e7bir zaman yaln\u0131zca iktidar blokunun krizi de\u011fildir. Her hegemonya krizi, ayn\u0131 zamanda muhalefetin de yeniden bi\u00e7imlendirilmesi s\u00fcrecidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan temel mesele yaln\u0131zca devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131 korumak de\u011fil, sermaye d\u00fczeninin siyasal ve ideolojik s\u00fcreklili\u011fini g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almakt\u0131r. Devlet de bu tarihsel i\u015flevi yerine getirirken yaln\u0131zca bask\u0131 ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, hukuku, parlamentoyu, medyay\u0131, yarg\u0131y\u0131 ve siyasal partiler sistemini de egemenli\u011fin yeniden \u00fcretiminin ara\u00e7lar\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Antonio Gramsci’nin i\u015faret etti\u011fi gibi egemenlik yaln\u0131zca zor yoluyla kurulmaz; ayn\u0131 zamanda r\u0131za \u00fcretilerek s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr. Ancak r\u0131zan\u0131n zay\u0131flad\u0131\u011f\u0131, ekonomik ve siyasal krizlerin derinle\u015fti\u011fi d\u00f6nemlerde devletin zor ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 daha g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale gelirken, siyasal alan da yeniden d\u00fczenlenmeye ba\u015flan\u0131r. Bu yeniden d\u00fczenleme yaln\u0131zca iktidar\u0131 tahkim etmeyi de\u011fil, muhalefetin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00e7izmeyi de i\u00e7erir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kapitalist devlet, yaln\u0131zca kendi iktidar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, sistem a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kabul edilebilir bir muhalefeti de \u00fcretmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nicos Poulantzas’\u0131n devlet kuram\u0131 da bu s\u00fcreci a\u00e7\u0131klay\u0131c\u0131 niteliktedir. Devlet, egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n mekanik bir arac\u0131 de\u011fil; s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkilerinin yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve sermaye blokunun ortak \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlendi\u011fi maddi bir toplumsal ili\u015fkidir. Bu nedenle devlet, farkl\u0131 sermaye fraksiyonlar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkileri y\u00f6netirken, ayn\u0131 zamanda siyasal alan\u0131 da yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131r. Muhalefetin hangi s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7inde hareket edece\u011fi, hangi akt\u00f6rlerin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kaca\u011f\u0131 ya da hangilerinin tasfiye edilece\u011fi de bu yeniden yap\u0131lanman\u0131n par\u00e7alar\u0131ndan biridir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Lenin ise parlamentoyu hi\u00e7bir zaman i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kurtulu\u015funun merkezi olarak g\u00f6rmedi. Parlamento, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc alanlardan yaln\u0131zca biridir; belirleyici olan ise \u00fcretim alan\u0131ndaki m\u00fccadele, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi ve devrimci siyasal \u00f6nderli\u011fin in\u015fas\u0131d\u0131r. Parlamenter m\u00fccadeleyi stratejinin merkezine yerle\u015ftirmek, devrimci siyaseti ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak burjuva siyasetinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7ine hapseder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye’de ya\u015fanan geli\u015fmeler de bu teorik \u00e7er\u00e7eveden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z de\u011fildir. CHP etraf\u0131nda ya\u015fanan kriz, yaln\u0131zca bir kurultay tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ya da liderlik m\u00fccadelesi olarak okunamaz. Ortada, siyasal iktidar\u0131n yarg\u0131 mekanizmalar\u0131 \u00fczerinden muhalefeti yeniden bi\u00e7imlendirmeye y\u00f6neldi\u011fi; buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k d\u00fczen muhalefetinin de kendi tarihsel s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde yeni bir denge aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na girdi\u011fi bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 bulunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n merkezine yaln\u0131zca Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu’nu ya da CHP’yi koymak, b\u00fct\u00fcn resmi g\u00f6rmeyi engeller. As\u0131l mesele, kapitalist devletin hegemonya krizini hangi ara\u00e7larla y\u00f6netmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131; d\u00fczen siyasetinin neden yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda sosyalist hareketin nas\u0131l bir siyasal hat geli\u015ftirece\u011fidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bug\u00fcn ya\u015fananlar yaln\u0131zca CHP’nin i\u00e7 krizi ya da Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu’nun siyasal tercihleriyle a\u00e7\u0131klanabilecek bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 de\u011fildir. Ortada, kapitalist devletin kendi hegemonya krizini y\u00f6netme, siyasal alan\u0131 yeniden d\u00fczenleme ve muhalefeti sistemin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda yeniden bi\u00e7imlendirme \u00e7abas\u0131 bulunmaktad\u0131r. Bu nedenle tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 ki\u015filere indirgemek, yap\u0131sal ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131lar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Marksizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan belirleyici olan bireylerin niyetleri de\u011fil, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin seyri ve devletin yeniden \u00fcretim mekanizmalar\u0131d\u0131r. Bu nedenle \u00f6nemli olan, bir siyaset\u00e7inin ne d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden \u00e7ok, \u00fcstlendi\u011fi siyasal rol\u00fcn hangi s\u0131n\u0131fsal ihtiya\u00e7lara hizmet etti\u011fi ve hangi nesnel sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 do\u011furdu\u011fudur. Tarih, ki\u015fileri s\u00f6ylediklerinden \u00e7ok, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7indeki i\u015flevleriyle yarg\u0131lar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ancak bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ten \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken ders yaln\u0131zca d\u00fczen partilerine ili\u015fkin de\u011fildir. Ayn\u0131 zamanda sosyalist hareketin kendi siyasal y\u00f6nelimine ili\u015fkindir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Uzun y\u0131llard\u0131r kendisini sol, sosyalist ya da devrimci olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde siyasal hatt\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczen muhalefetinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7ine hapseden; emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flara kurtulu\u015fu parlamentodaki sandalye hesaplar\u0131nda, se\u00e7im ittifaklar\u0131nda ya da burjuva muhalefetinin iktidar alternatifi olmas\u0131nda aramalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6neren anlay\u0131\u015flar, bug\u00fcn ya\u015fananlardan ciddi sonu\u00e7lar \u00e7\u0131karmak zorundad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kapitalist devlet yaln\u0131zca kendi iktidar\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00fcretmez; gerekti\u011finde kendi muhalefetini de yeniden \u00fcretir. Muhalefetin hangi s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7inde siyaset yapaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r, sistem a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan risk olu\u015fturan dinamikleri tasfiye ederken, d\u00fczeni tehdit etmeyen muhalefet bi\u00e7imlerini yeniden organize eder. CHP’de ya\u015fanan kriz de bu genel \u00e7er\u00e7evenin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda de\u011ferlendirilemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu nedenle d\u00fczen siyasetinin kuyru\u011funa tak\u0131lan hi\u00e7bir siyasal \u00e7izgi, ne kadar “sol”, “sosyalist” ya da “demokrat” s\u00f6ylemler kullan\u0131rsa kullans\u0131n, emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ek bir kurtulu\u015f perspektifi olu\u015fturamaz. Burjuva siyasetinin krizleri, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir s\u0131n\u0131f hareketi ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir sosyalist odak yoksa, eninde sonunda yine burjuva d\u00fczeninin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bug\u00fcn sosyalist hareket a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan temel g\u00f6rev, d\u00fczen i\u00e7i g\u00fc\u00e7 m\u00fccadelelerinde taraf olmak de\u011fil; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc b\u00fcy\u00fctmektir. Fabrikalarda, i\u015fyerlerinde, mahallelerde, okullarda ve ya\u015fam\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn alanlar\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131f eksenli bir m\u00fccadele hatt\u0131 \u00f6r\u00fclmeden, parlamentodaki aritmetik de\u011fi\u015fikliklerin emek\u00e7iler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tarihsel bir anlam\u0131 olmayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, d\u00fczen siyasetinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ge\u00e7ici umutlara eklemlenmek yerine ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z s\u0131n\u0131f siyasetinde \u0131srar edilmelidir. Devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fctler, se\u00e7im d\u00f6nemlerinde d\u00fczen muhalefetinin yede\u011fine d\u00fc\u015fen, b\u00fct\u00fcn siyasal enerjisini parlamenter hesaplara ba\u011flayan yap\u0131lara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fckleri \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde kendi varl\u0131k nedenlerini de a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131rlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u0130kinci olarak, sosyalist hareket liberalizmin ideolojik etkisine kar\u015f\u0131 daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir teorik m\u00fccadele y\u00fcr\u00fctmek zorundad\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin yerine “demokratikle\u015fme”, sermaye devletinin yerine “hukukun \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc”, devrimci d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn yerine “iyi y\u00f6netim” s\u00f6ylemini koyan anlay\u0131\u015flar, d\u00fczen siyasetinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015famaz. Liberalizm, sosyalist hareket a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yaln\u0131zca teorik bir sapma de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u0131n\u0131fsal eksen kaymas\u0131n\u0131n da ad\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak, sol ve sosyalist kurumlar hi\u00e7bir ko\u015fulda d\u00fczen siyasetinin cazibesine kap\u0131lmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Devrimci siyaset, parlamentoda birka\u00e7 sandalye kazanmakla de\u011fil, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc b\u00fcy\u00fctmekle \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fcr. D\u00fczenin kurumlar\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr olmak, d\u00fczeni d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek anlam\u0131na gelmez. Aksine, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7izgisi korunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda d\u00fczenin ideolojik ve siyasal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde erime tehlikesi her zaman vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc parlamenter m\u00fccadele, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin yerine ge\u00e7irildi\u011finde sosyalist siyaset de ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak burjuva siyasetinin bir eklentisine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Oysa Marksizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan parlamento, m\u00fccadelenin merkezi de\u011fil; s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc alanlardan yaln\u0131zca biridir. Devrimci siyaset, parlamentoya s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 anda de\u011fil; fabrikalarda, sokakta, sendikalarda, mahallelerde ve halk\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadelesinde k\u00f6k sald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde toplumsal bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline gelir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bug\u00fcn ya\u015fananlar bir kez daha g\u00f6stermektedir ki kapitalizm yaln\u0131zca kriz \u00fcretmez; o krizleri y\u00f6netecek siyasal akt\u00f6rleri ve muhalefet bi\u00e7imlerini de \u00fcretmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Sermaye d\u00fczeni, kendi iktidar\u0131n\u0131 oldu\u011fu kadar kendi muhalefetini de yeniden organize etme kapasitesine sahiptir. Bu nedenle sosyalist hareketin g\u00f6revi, d\u00fczen siyasetinin bir kutbundan di\u011ferine savrulmak de\u011fil; d\u00fczenin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z siyasal hatt\u0131n\u0131 in\u015fa etmektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Halklar\u0131n umudu, burjuva siyasetinin bir kanad\u0131n\u0131n di\u011ferine \u00fcst\u00fcn gelmesinde de\u011fildir. Halklar\u0131n umudu, d\u00fczen siyasetinin dar koridorlar\u0131nda t\u00fcketilen se\u00e7im hesaplar\u0131nda da de\u011fildir. Ger\u00e7ek umut; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fcnde, emek\u00e7ilerin kendi kaderlerini kendi ellerine alma iradesinde ve sosyalizmin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z siyasal se\u00e7ene\u011finin b\u00fcy\u00fct\u00fclmesindedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
CHP’de ya\u015fanan kriz de, d\u00fczen siyasetinin b\u00fct\u00fcn krizleri gibi gelip ge\u00e7ecektir. Yeni dengeler kurulacak, yeni ittifaklar olu\u015facak, yeni liderler sahneye \u00e7\u0131kacakt\u0131r. Ancak de\u011fi\u015fmeyecek olan, sermaye d\u00fczeninin emek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisini y\u00f6netme ihtiyac\u0131 ve bu ihtiyaca uygun bir siyasal alan yaratma \u00e7abas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu nedenle bug\u00fcn sorulmas\u0131 gereken temel soru, “CHP’nin ba\u015f\u0131nda kim olacak?” ya da “Ana muhalefeti kim y\u00f6netecek?” de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
As\u0131l soru \u015fudur:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7i halk, d\u00fczen siyasetinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z siyasal se\u00e7ene\u011fini ne zaman yaratacak?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu soruya verilecek yan\u0131t, yaln\u0131zca bug\u00fcnk\u00fc krizin de\u011fil, T\u00fcrkiye’de sosyalist hareketin gelece\u011finin de belirleyicisi olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Kapitalist toplumlarda siyasal krizler hi\u00e7bir zaman yaln\u0131zca...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":10159,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7,29],"tags":[],"manset":[],"class_list":["post-10158","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-makaleler","category-manset"],"amp_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10158","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=10158"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10158\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10160,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10158\/revisions\/10160"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10159"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10158"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=10158"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=10158"},{"taxonomy":"manset","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/manset?post=10158"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}