“En k\u00f6t\u00fc bar\u0131\u015f en iyi sava\u015ftan iyidir” s\u00f6z\u00fc, ancak bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n hangi toplumsal ve siyasal ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda kuruldu\u011fu tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda anlam kazanabilir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc tarihte “bar\u0131\u015f” ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda halklara dayat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f say\u0131s\u0131z teslimiyet d\u00fczeni vard\u0131r. Bu nedenle mesele, bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n kendisi de\u011fil; kimin bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011fu, hangi siyasal d\u00fczeni korudu\u011fu ve hangi s\u0131n\u0131fsal ili\u015fkileri g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin kurulu\u015fundan itibaren \u015fekillenen resm\u00ee ideoloji, tek millet, tek dil ve tek kimlik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00fczerine in\u015fa edilmi\u015ftir. Cumhuriyet, \u00e7ok kimlikli ve \u00e7ok dilli bir toplumsal yap\u0131y\u0131 e\u015fit ve kurucu unsurlar olarak tan\u0131mak yerine, homojen bir ulus yaratmay\u0131 hedefleyen bir siyasal proje izlemi\u015ftir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te T\u00fcrk kimli\u011fi d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalan hemen her farkl\u0131l\u0131k ink\u00e2r ve asimilasyon politikalar\u0131n\u0131n hedefi olmu\u015f; farkl\u0131 halklar ve kimlikler \u00e7e\u015fitli d\u00f6nemlerde bask\u0131ya maruz b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu politikalardan en a\u011f\u0131r bi\u00e7imde etkilenen halklar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda ise K\u00fcrtler gelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fi resm\u00ee s\u00f6ylemde tan\u0131nmam\u0131\u015f; uzun y\u0131llar ink\u00e2r ve asimilasyon politikalar\u0131na tabi tutulmu\u015ftur. Anadil \u00fczerindeki yasaklar ve s\u0131n\u0131rlamalar, g\u00fcvenlik eksenli politikalar, zorunlu isk\u00e2n uygulamalar\u0131 ve a\u011f\u0131r hak ihlalleri, K\u00fcrt meselesinin tarihsel olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan ba\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Bu tarihsel miras, bug\u00fcn y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen “ortak cumhuriyet” tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 do\u011frudan etkilemektedir. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fe ili\u015fkin de\u011ferlendirmeler farkl\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6sterebilir; ancak bu durum \u015fu temel sorunun sorulmas\u0131n\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rmaz:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Uzun y\u0131llar boyunca K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fini tan\u0131mayan, ulusal talepleri a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak g\u00fcvenlik sorunu olarak g\u00f6ren ve tek\u00e7i ulus anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00fczerine kurulan bu cumhuriyet, hangi k\u00f6kl\u00fc siyasal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc ya\u015fayarak bug\u00fcn K\u00fcrtlerin de cumhuriyeti h\u00e2line gelmi\u015ftir?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu soruya yaln\u0131zca “hepimiz T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti vatanda\u015f\u0131y\u0131z” demek yeterli de\u011fildir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc vatanda\u015fl\u0131k ile kurucu siyasal e\u015fitlik ayn\u0131 \u015fey de\u011fildir. Bir devletin b\u00fct\u00fcn yurtta\u015flar\u0131na hukuken vatanda\u015fl\u0131k vermesi, o devletin b\u00fct\u00fcn halklar\u0131n e\u015fit iradesi \u00fczerine kuruldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na gelmez. E\u011fer kurulu\u015f felsefesi, ulusal kimlik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve devlet-toplum ili\u015fkileri esasl\u0131 bi\u00e7imde de\u011fi\u015fmemi\u015fse, “T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti K\u00fcrtlerin de devletidir” s\u00f6ylemi, bir\u00e7ok ki\u015fi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tarihsel deneyimle \u00e7eli\u015fen bir iddia olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmeye devam edecektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Sorun yaln\u0131zca ulusal haklar meselesi de de\u011fildir. \u00c7ok bilinen tan\u0131m\u0131yla devlet, s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00fcst\u00fc ve tarafs\u0131z bir kurum de\u011fil; belirli \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerini ve egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n siyasal iktidar\u0131n\u0131 koruyan tarihsel bir ayg\u0131tt\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin geli\u015fimi de kapitalist sermaye birikim s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z de\u011ferlendirilemez. Bu nedenle s\u0131n\u0131fsal s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ile ulusal bask\u0131, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman birbirini tamamlayan iki egemenlik bi\u00e7imi olarak i\u015flemi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Cumhuriyeti yaln\u0131zca “ortak vatan” ya da “ortak vatanda\u015fl\u0131k” s\u00f6ylemiyle a\u00e7\u0131klamak hem devletin s\u0131n\u0131fsal karakterini hem de ulusal sorunun tarihsel boyutunu g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez h\u00e2le getirmektedir. K\u00fcrt meselesi yaln\u0131zca k\u00fclt\u00fcrel haklar meselesi de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda tarihsel, siyasal ve demokratik e\u015fitlik sorunudur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bug\u00fcn “bar\u0131\u015f” ad\u0131na ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen bir\u00e7ok yakla\u015f\u0131m da bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede de\u011ferlendirilmelidir. E\u011fer \u00f6nerilen bar\u0131\u015f, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n siyasal taleplerini mevcut anayasal ve ideolojik \u00e7er\u00e7eve i\u00e7inde eritmeye; Cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015f paradigmalar\u0131n\u0131 ise tart\u0131\u015fma d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rakmaya dayan\u0131yorsa, sorulmas\u0131 gereken temel soru \u015fudur: Bu ger\u00e7ekten e\u015fitler aras\u0131nda kurulmu\u015f bir bar\u0131\u015f m\u0131d\u0131r, yoksa mevcut siyasal d\u00fczenin yeniden \u00fcretilmesini sa\u011flayan bir uzla\u015fma m\u0131?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ger\u00e7ek bar\u0131\u015f yaln\u0131zca silahlar\u0131n susmas\u0131 de\u011fildir. Ger\u00e7ek bar\u0131\u015f; tarihsel ink\u00e2r\u0131n yerini tan\u0131nman\u0131n, asimilasyonun yerini e\u015fit yurtta\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, g\u00fcvenlik\u00e7i siyasetin yerini demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Adalet, siyasal temsil, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel haklar ve demokratik kat\u0131l\u0131m g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nmadan yap\u0131lan bar\u0131\u015f \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131, sorunun nedenlerini de\u011fil, yaln\u0131zca sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6netmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Cumhuriyet ancak b\u00fct\u00fcn halklar\u0131n kendisini e\u015fit kurucu \u00f6zne olarak g\u00f6rebildi\u011fi, hi\u00e7bir kimli\u011fin di\u011ferine \u00fcst\u00fcn tutulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve tek\u00e7i ulus anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n demokratik bir toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fmeyle a\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ger\u00e7ekten ortak bir cumhuriyet olabilir. Aksi h\u00e2lde, tarihsel olarak d\u0131\u015fland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ya da e\u015fit tan\u0131nmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen kesimler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan “bu cumhuriyet hepimizin cumhuriyetidir” s\u00f6ylemi sorgulanmaya devam edecektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken temel mesele, “bar\u0131\u015f m\u0131 sava\u015f m\u0131?” sorusu de\u011fildir. As\u0131l mesele; hangi bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n, hangi e\u015fitlik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ve kimin cumhuriyetinin savunuldu\u011fudur. Kal\u0131c\u0131 toplumsal bar\u0131\u015f ancak e\u015fitlik, demokratik me\u015fruiyet ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 tan\u0131nma temelinde in\u015fa edilebilir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
“En k\u00f6t\u00fc bar\u0131\u015f en iyi sava\u015ftan iyidir”...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":10190,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7,29],"tags":[],"manset":[],"bilesen":[],"class_list":["post-10189","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-makaleler","category-manset"],"amp_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10189","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=10189"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10189\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10191,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10189\/revisions\/10191"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10190"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10189"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=10189"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=10189"},{"taxonomy":"manset","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/manset?post=10189"},{"taxonomy":"bilesen","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/bilesen?post=10189"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}