{"id":10257,"date":"2026-08-10T19:52:41","date_gmt":"2026-08-10T16:52:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/?p=10257"},"modified":"2026-08-10T19:52:42","modified_gmt":"2026-08-10T16:52:42","slug":"baris-demokrasi-sinif-mucadelesi-ve-ezilen-ulus-gercekligi-derya-ozcan","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/2026\/08\/10\/baris-demokrasi-sinif-mucadelesi-ve-ezilen-ulus-gercekligi-derya-ozcan\/","title":{"rendered":"Bar\u0131\u015f, Demokrasi, S\u0131n\u0131f M\u00fccadelesi ve Ezilen Ulus Ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi &#8211; Derya \u00d6zcan"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bar\u0131\u015f ve demokrasi, modern siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin en \u00e7ok tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan kavramlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda yer almaktad\u0131r. Liberal yakla\u015f\u0131m, bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131n sona ermesi; demokrasiyi ise hukuksal e\u015fitlik ve se\u00e7im mekanizmas\u0131 \u00fczerinden tan\u0131mlarken, Marksizm-Leninizm bu kavramlar\u0131 tarihsel ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal ba\u011flam i\u00e7erisinde ele almaktad\u0131r. Marksist kurama g\u00f6re hi\u00e7bir devlet, hi\u00e7bir hukuk sistemi ve hi\u00e7bir demokrasi s\u0131n\u0131flardan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z de\u011fildir. Toplumsal \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri hangi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n egemen oldu\u011funu belirledi\u011fi gibi, bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n ve demokrasinin niteli\u011fini de belirlemektedir. Bu nedenle bar\u0131\u015f ve demokrasi ancak \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ve ulusal sorun birlikte de\u011ferlendirildi\u011finde ger\u00e7ek anlam\u0131yla kavranabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Marksizm-Leninizm, kapitalist toplumda bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n kal\u0131c\u0131 ve evrensel bir olgu olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunur. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kapitalizm yaln\u0131zca emek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisini de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda devletler aras\u0131ndaki ekonomik ve siyasal rekabeti de s\u00fcrekli yeniden \u00fcretmektedir. Sermayenin merkezile\u015fmesi, tekellerin g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi ve emperyalizmin geli\u015fmesiyle birlikte d\u00fcnya pazarlar\u0131n\u0131n payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131nda s\u00fcrekli \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalara yol a\u00e7maktad\u0131r. Bu nedenle sava\u015flar, y\u00f6neticilerin ki\u015fisel tercihleri ya da diplomatik ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n sonucu de\u011fil; kapitalist sistemin yap\u0131sal bir sonucudur. Marksizm-Leninizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan emperyalist sava\u015flar, kapitalizmin ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015faman\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede &#8220;bar\u0131\u015f&#8221; kavram\u0131 yaln\u0131zca silahl\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n sona ermesi anlam\u0131na gelmez. E\u011fer s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc, i\u015fgal, ulusal bask\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal tahakk\u00fcm devam ediyorsa, ilan edilen bar\u0131\u015f ger\u00e7ekte egemen d\u00fczenin yeniden \u00fcretildi\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemden ibarettir. Kal\u0131c\u0131 ve adil bir bar\u0131\u015f ancak s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn, emperyalist tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn ve ulusal bask\u0131n\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yla m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilir. Marksizm-Leninizm, bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 tarihsel ve toplumsal e\u015fitlik temelinde ele almakta; onu mevcut d\u00fczenin korunmas\u0131n\u0131 ama\u00e7layan uzla\u015fmalardan ay\u0131rmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Demokrasi konusunda da benzer bir yakla\u015f\u0131m s\u00f6z konusudur. Marksizm-Leninizm, burjuva demokrasisinin tarihsel olarak feodalizme kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6nemli ilerlemeler sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmekle birlikte, bu demokrasinin s\u0131n\u0131fsal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 vurgular. Hukuksal e\u015fitlik ile ekonomik e\u015fitsizlik ayn\u0131 toplumsal yap\u0131 i\u00e7inde varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc s\u00fcrece, siyasal e\u015fitlik de s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmaktad\u0131r. \u00dcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fclkiyetini elinde bulunduran egemen s\u0131n\u0131f yaln\u0131zca ekonomiyi de\u011fil, siyasal kurumlar\u0131, medya ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131, e\u011fitim sistemini ve devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 da b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde denetlemektedir. B\u00f6ylece demokrasi bi\u00e7imsel olarak b\u00fct\u00fcn yurtta\u015flara ait g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de, i\u00e7erik bak\u0131m\u0131ndan sermaye egemenli\u011fini yeniden \u00fcretmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu nedenle Marksizm-Leninizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan demokrasi, yaln\u0131zca se\u00e7imlerden ve hukuksal haklardan ibaret de\u011fildir. Ger\u00e7ek demokrasi, emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n siyasal ve ekonomik ya\u015fam \u00fczerinde do\u011frudan s\u00f6z sahibi olmas\u0131n\u0131, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal denetimini ve halk\u0131n y\u00f6netime etkin kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 ifade eder. Demokrasi ile toplumsal e\u015fitlik birbirinden ayr\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez. Ekonomik s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc s\u00fcrece siyasal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler de s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ve k\u0131r\u0131lgan olmaya devam edecektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Marksizm-Leninizmin temel kavramlar\u0131ndan biri olan s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi, yaln\u0131zca emek ile sermaye aras\u0131ndaki ekonomik \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 ifade etmez. Ayn\u0131 zamanda siyasal iktidar\u0131n, demokratik haklar\u0131n ve toplumsal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn kazan\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n temel dinami\u011fini olu\u015fturur. Emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n haklar\u0131 tarih boyunca egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n l\u00fctfu ile de\u011fil, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadeleleri sonucunda kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sendikal haklar, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma s\u00fcrelerinin s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, sosyal g\u00fcvenlik, oy hakk\u0131 ve demokratik \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin tarihsel kazan\u0131mlar\u0131d\u0131r. Bu nedenle bar\u0131\u015f ve demokrasi de s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z de\u011ferlendirilemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Marksizm-Leninizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ulusal sorun da s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin ayr\u0131lmaz bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Emperyalizm yaln\u0131zca i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrmekle kalmaz; ayn\u0131 zamanda bir\u00e7ok halk\u0131 ulusal bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131r, onlar\u0131n siyasal iradesini s\u0131n\u0131rlar ve ekonomik kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 denetim alt\u0131na al\u0131r. Ezilen uluslar\u0131n dili, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc, kimli\u011fi ve siyasal varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, uluslar aras\u0131nda ger\u00e7ek e\u015fitlikten s\u00f6z edilemez. Bu nedenle ulusal sorun, yaln\u0131zca kimlik veya k\u00fclt\u00fcr meselesi de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda siyasal ve ekonomik egemenlik sorunudur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Marksizm-Leninizm, ezilen uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131 demokratik ve enternasyonalist m\u00fccadelenin vazge\u00e7ilmez ilkelerinden biri olarak kabul eder. Bu ilke, halklar\u0131n ayr\u0131lma ya da birlikte ya\u015fama konusunda \u00f6zg\u00fcr iradeleriyle karar verebilmelerini ifade eder. Buradaki temel ama\u00e7 uluslar\u0131 birbirinden ay\u0131rmak de\u011fil; zorla kurulan birliklerin yerine e\u015fitlik ve g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fcl\u00fck temelinde yeni ili\u015fkiler kurabilmektir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc zor ve bask\u0131 \u00fczerine kurulu hi\u00e7bir birlik kal\u0131c\u0131 olamaz. Ger\u00e7ek birlik ancak e\u015fit haklara sahip halklar aras\u0131nda kurulabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu noktada Marksizm-Leninizm, ezen ulus ile ezilen ulus aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi s\u0131n\u0131fsal ve siyasal bir sorun olarak ele al\u0131r. Ezen ulusun egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131, ulusal bask\u0131y\u0131 kendi ekonomik ve siyasal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n bir arac\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131rken, milliyet\u00e7ilik ve \u015fovenizm arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortak m\u00fccadelesini b\u00f6lmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rlar. Ezilen ulusun emek\u00e7ileri ulusal bask\u0131ya maruz kal\u0131rken, ezen ulusun emek\u00e7ileri ise \u00e7o\u011fu zaman egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n milliyet\u00e7i propagandas\u0131n\u0131n etkisi alt\u0131na al\u0131nmaktad\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece ortak s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 geri plana itilmekte, halklar birbirine kar\u015f\u0131 konumland\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Marksizm-Leninizm, bu nedenle ezen ulusun i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na \u00f6zel bir tarihsel sorumluluk y\u00fcklemektedir. Ger\u00e7ek enternasyonalizm, yaln\u0131zca kendi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ekonomik haklar\u0131n\u0131 savunmak de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda kendi egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u015fovenist, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ve bask\u0131c\u0131 politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele etmektir. Ezilen ulusun haklar\u0131n\u0131 savunmayan bir i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin uluslararas\u0131 dayan\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 geli\u015ftirmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Halklar aras\u0131nda g\u00fcvenin ve ortak m\u00fccadelenin geli\u015febilmesi i\u00e7in \u00f6ncelikle ulusal e\u015fitli\u011fin sa\u011flanmas\u0131 gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Buradan hareketle temel bir soru ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r: Emek\u00e7i halklar\u0131n ve ezilen uluslar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yok say\u0131larak ger\u00e7ek bir bar\u0131\u015f kurulabilir mi? Marksizm-Leninizmin yan\u0131t\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Hay\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bask\u0131n\u0131n, ink\u00e2r\u0131n ve e\u015fitsizli\u011fin devam etti\u011fi ko\u015fullarda ilan edilen bar\u0131\u015f, egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ve ezen ulusun \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na alan ge\u00e7ici bir siyasal dengeden ibarettir. Bask\u0131 alt\u0131ndaki halklar\u0131n iradesi tan\u0131nmadan, siyasal ve ulusal haklar\u0131 g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nmadan kurulan hi\u00e7bir d\u00fczen kal\u0131c\u0131 toplumsal bar\u0131\u015f yaratamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Fa\u015fizm ve \u015fovenizm de bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede de\u011ferlendirilmelidir. Marksist gelenekte fa\u015fizm, tekelci sermayenin en sald\u0131rgan siyasal bi\u00e7imlerinden biri olarak tan\u0131mlanmaktad\u0131r. Fa\u015fist siyaset, emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini bast\u0131r\u0131rken ayn\u0131 zamanda milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve ulusal d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00f6r\u00fckleyerek emek\u00e7ilerin ortak m\u00fccadelesini par\u00e7alamay\u0131 ama\u00e7lar. B\u00f6ylece emek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisinin \u00fczeri ulusal ve etnik \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarla \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fcr. Fa\u015fizmin vaat etti\u011fi &#8220;toplumsal bar\u0131\u015f&#8221;, e\u015fit yurtta\u015flar aras\u0131nda kurulmu\u015f demokratik bir uzla\u015fma de\u011fil; bask\u0131 ayg\u0131tlar\u0131yla s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen bir sessizliktir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Marksizm-Leninizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ek bar\u0131\u015f, yaln\u0131zca silahlar\u0131n susmas\u0131 de\u011fildir. Ger\u00e7ek bar\u0131\u015f; s\u0131n\u0131fsal s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn sona erdi\u011fi, halklar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini \u00f6zg\u00fcrce belirleyebildi\u011fi, ulusal e\u015fitli\u011fin g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n toplumsal ya\u015fam \u00fczerinde s\u00f6z sahibi oldu\u011fu bir toplumsal d\u00fczeni ifade eder. Bar\u0131\u015f ile demokrasi, demokrasi ile toplumsal e\u015fitlik, toplumsal e\u015fitlik ile ulusal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck birbirinden ayr\u0131lmaz b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn par\u00e7alar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Sonu\u00e7 olarak<\/strong>, Marksizm-Leninizm bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 edilgen bir uzla\u015fma de\u011fil, toplumsal adaletin ve e\u015fitli\u011fin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak de\u011ferlendirmektedir. Emek\u00e7i halklar\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, ezilen uluslar\u0131n ink\u00e2r edildi\u011fi, emperyalist ili\u015fkilerin s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve \u015fovenizmin egemen oldu\u011fu ko\u015fullarda ger\u00e7ek bir bar\u0131\u015ftan s\u00f6z etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Kal\u0131c\u0131 bar\u0131\u015f; emek ile sermaye aras\u0131ndaki s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkilerinin sona ermesini, ulusal bask\u0131n\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131, halklar\u0131n tam hak e\u015fitli\u011fini ve g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc birlik temelinde kurulan demokratik ili\u015fkileri gerektirir. Bu nedenle Marksizm-Leninizmin bar\u0131\u015f anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ile ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesini birbirinden ay\u0131rmayan; emek\u00e7ilerin ortak m\u00fccadelesini, ezilen halklar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve halklar aras\u0131nda e\u015fitli\u011fi ger\u00e7ek bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n vazge\u00e7ilmez ko\u015fullar\u0131 olarak g\u00f6ren b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc bir siyasal perspektif sunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Bar\u0131\u015f ve demokrasi, modern siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin en&#46;&#46;&#46;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":10258,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7,29],"tags":[],"manset":[],"bilesen":[],"class_list":["post-10257","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-makaleler","category-manset"],"amp_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10257","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=10257"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10257\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10259,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10257\/revisions\/10259"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10258"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10257"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=10257"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=10257"},{"taxonomy":"manset","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/manset?post=10257"},{"taxonomy":"bilesen","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/bilesen?post=10257"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}