{"id":10343,"date":"2026-08-21T14:20:27","date_gmt":"2026-08-21T11:20:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/?p=10343"},"modified":"2026-08-21T14:20:28","modified_gmt":"2026-08-21T11:20:28","slug":"cumhuriyet-kimin-cumhuriyeti-semdin-simsir","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/2026\/08\/21\/cumhuriyet-kimin-cumhuriyeti-semdin-simsir\/","title":{"rendered":"Cumhuriyet Kimin Cumhuriyeti? \u2013 \u015eemdin \u015eim\u015fir"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bir devletin ad\u0131n\u0131n \u201ccumhuriyet\u201d olmas\u0131, onun halk\u0131n cumhuriyeti oldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na gelmez. Marksistler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan belirleyici olan devletin kendisine verdi\u011fi ad de\u011fil, hangi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 temsil etti\u011fi, hangi toplumsal ili\u015fkiler \u00fczerinde y\u00fckseldi\u011fi ve siyasal iktidar\u0131n ger\u00e7ekte kimin elinde oldu\u011fudur. Bu nedenle cumhuriyet tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 sorusu \u015fudur: <strong>Cumhuriyet kimin cumhuriyetidir?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">E\u011fer \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131, bankalar, fabrikalar, b\u00fcy\u00fck topraklar, madenler ve \u00fclkenin temel ekonomik zenginlikleri k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir sermaye s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n elindeyse; milyonlarca insan ya\u015famak i\u00e7in emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc satmak zorundayken bir avu\u00e7 sermayedar toplumun \u00fcretti\u011fi zenginli\u011fe el koyuyorsa, yaln\u0131zca farkl\u0131 halklar\u0131n hukuksal olarak e\u015fit ilan edilmesi o d\u00fczeni \u201chalklar\u0131n ortak cumhuriyeti\u201d yapmaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u201chalk\u201d s\u0131n\u0131flardan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, yekpare bir b\u00fct\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Her halk\u0131n i\u00e7erisinde i\u015f\u00e7iler, k\u00f6yl\u00fcler ve yoksullar oldu\u011fu gibi patronlar, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahipleri, bankerler ve sermayedarlar da vard\u0131r. T\u00fcrk toplumunda da K\u00fcrt toplumunda da, Arap, Ermeni, Laz, \u00c7erkes ve di\u011fer halklar\u0131n i\u00e7inde de s\u0131n\u0131fsal ayr\u0131mlar bulunur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bir K\u00fcrt patronla K\u00fcrt i\u015f\u00e7inin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 ayn\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, T\u00fcrk patronla T\u00fcrk i\u015f\u00e7inin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 da ayn\u0131 de\u011fildir. Patron i\u00e7in daha d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccret ve daha y\u00fcksek k\u00e2r \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na uygunken i\u015f\u00e7i i\u00e7in y\u00fcksek \u00fccret, k\u0131sa \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma s\u00fcresi, sosyal g\u00fcvence ve insanca ya\u015fam \u00f6nemlidir. Ortak ulusal kimlik bu temel s\u0131n\u0131fsal kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rmaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu nedenle Marksistlerin halklar\u0131n e\u015fitli\u011fi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 burjuva \u00e7okk\u00fclt\u00fcrc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden ayr\u0131l\u0131r. Marksizm yaln\u0131zca farkl\u0131 kimliklerin devlet taraf\u0131ndan tan\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, insan\u0131n insan taraf\u0131ndan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesinin maddi temellerinin de ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 hedefler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bir \u00fclkede b\u00fct\u00fcn diller tan\u0131nabilir, farkl\u0131 kimliklerden siyaset\u00e7iler parlamentoda bulunabilir. Fakat i\u015f\u00e7i yine patron i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor, \u00fcretti\u011fi de\u011ferin bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne sermaye taraf\u0131ndan el konuluyor ve ekonomik ya\u015fam k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda belirleniyorsa s\u0131n\u0131fsal egemenlik devam ediyor demektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcn halklar\u0131n ortak cumhuriyeti\u201d kavram\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131fsal i\u00e7eri\u011finden kopar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda yan\u0131lt\u0131c\u0131 h\u00e2le gelir. Fabrikada i\u015f\u00e7iyle fabrika sahibinin, bankac\u0131yla bor\u00e7 i\u00e7indeki emek\u00e7inin, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahibiyle topraks\u0131z k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 ortak de\u011fildir. S\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin \u00fczeri \u201cmilli birlik\u201d, \u201cortak vatanda\u015fl\u0131k\u201d veya \u201chepimiz ayn\u0131 gemideyiz\u201d s\u00f6ylemleriyle \u00f6rt\u00fclemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Lenin\u2019in devlet sorunundaki yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemi burada ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Lenin, <em>Devlet ve Devrim<\/em>\u2019de demokratik cumhuriyetin kapitalizm i\u00e7in m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan en elveri\u015fli siyasal bi\u00e7imlerden biri oldu\u011funu belirtirken, cumhuriyet bi\u00e7iminin kendi ba\u015f\u0131na sermayenin s\u0131n\u0131fsal egemenli\u011fini ortadan kald\u0131rmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlat\u0131r. H\u00fck\u00fcmetler, parlamentolar ve cumhurba\u015fkanlar\u0131 de\u011fi\u015febilir; ancak \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet ve sermayenin ekonomik egemenli\u011fi s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc m\u00fcddet\u00e7e burjuvazi toplum \u00fczerindeki belirleyici g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc korur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu nedenle Marksistler cumhuriyet sorununu yaln\u0131zca \u201cmonar\u015fi mi, cumhuriyet mi?\u201d kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ele alamaz. Cumhuriyet, monar\u015fiye g\u00f6re tarihsel olarak ileri bir siyasal bi\u00e7im olabilir ve demokratik haklar\u0131n geni\u015flemesi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6nemlidir. Fakat her cumhuriyet otomatik olarak halk iktidar\u0131 de\u011fildir. <strong>As\u0131l mesele cumhuriyetin s\u0131n\u0131fsal karakteridir.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bunun yan\u0131nda cumhuriyetin siyasal ve uluslararas\u0131 karakterine de bak\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. Emperyalist merkezlere ekonomik, asker\u00ee ve siyasal bak\u0131mdan ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131; i\u00e7eride ise sermayenin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 korumak i\u00e7in devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 emek\u00e7ilere ve ezilen halklara y\u00f6nelten bir d\u00fczen, yaln\u0131zca anayasal ad\u0131 nedeniyle halk\u0131n cumhuriyeti say\u0131lamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bir devlet halklar\u0131n ve emek\u00e7ilerin taleplerine demokratik yan\u0131t vermek yerine bask\u0131y\u0131, yasaklar\u0131, g\u00f6zalt\u0131lar\u0131 ve devlet zorunu esas al\u0131yor; sendikal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeyi, grevleri, halklar\u0131n e\u015fitlik taleplerini, gen\u00e7li\u011fin ve kad\u0131nlar\u0131n m\u00fccadelelerini s\u00fcrekli bir tehdit olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyorsa, cumhuriyetin demokratik bi\u00e7imi giderek i\u00e7i bo\u015falt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir kabu\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Fa\u015fist karakter ta\u015f\u0131yan bir devlet yap\u0131lanmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zelli\u011fi de burada belirginle\u015fir: toplumsal \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin demokratik bi\u00e7imde ifade edilmesini engellemek, siyasal alan\u0131 egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda daraltmak, muhalefeti bast\u0131rmak ve militarizmi, \u015fovenizmi ve devlet zorunu ola\u011fan y\u00f6netim ara\u00e7lar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Emperyalizme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k da bu s\u0131n\u0131fsal yap\u0131dan ayr\u0131 de\u011fildir. Egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar sermaye birikimlerini uluslararas\u0131 tekellerle, finans sermayesiyle ve emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7lerle kurduklar\u0131 ili\u015fkiler \u00fczerinden s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyorsa, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bedeli i\u015f\u00e7ilere, k\u00f6yl\u00fclere ve yoksullara \u00f6detilir. Bor\u00e7 politikalar\u0131, \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeler, ucuz emek rejimi, do\u011fal kaynaklar\u0131n ya\u011fmalanmas\u0131 ve sava\u015f politikalar\u0131 birbirinden kopuk de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu nedenle anti-emperyalist m\u00fccadele ile s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi birbirinden ayr\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez. Fakat anti-emperyalizm yaln\u0131zca ulusal burjuvazinin emperyalist merkezler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki pazarl\u0131k g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc art\u0131rmak da de\u011fildir. Ger\u00e7ek anti-emperyalizm, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkilerinin maddi temelini olu\u015fturan sermaye d\u00fczeniyle hesapla\u015fmak zorundad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele, yaln\u0131zca daha \u201c\u0131l\u0131ml\u0131\u201d bir burjuva y\u00f6netimine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f m\u00fccadelesine indirgenemez. Devrimcilerin g\u00f6revi bask\u0131c\u0131 ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc d\u00fczenin farkl\u0131 y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imleri aras\u0131nda se\u00e7im yapmak de\u011fil, bu d\u00fczenin s\u0131n\u0131fsal temelini de\u011fi\u015ftirecek m\u00fccadeleyi b\u00fcy\u00fctmektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Burada \u201cy\u0131kmak\u201d kavram\u0131 da yaln\u0131zca mevcut kurumlar\u0131n fiziksel olarak ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde anla\u015f\u0131lmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Marksist anlamda esas mesele s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye, ulusal bask\u0131ya, emperyalist ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011fa ve sermaye egemenli\u011fine dayanan toplumsal ili\u015fkilerin k\u00f6kl\u00fc bi\u00e7imde d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesidir. Eski d\u00fczenin bask\u0131c\u0131 kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n yerine i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, emek\u00e7ilerin ve ezilen halklar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadelesine dayanan yeni kurumlar\u0131n kurulmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Hedef, sermayenin cumhuriyetinin yerine emek\u00e7ilerin cumhuriyetini; tek\u00e7i devletin yerine halklar\u0131n e\u015fit ve \u00f6zg\u00fcr birli\u011fini; emperyalist ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n yerine halklar\u0131n kendi gelecekleri \u00fczerinde s\u00f6z sahibi oldu\u011fu ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve enternasyonalist bir d\u00fczeni yaratmakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Sermayenin egemen oldu\u011fu bir cumhuriyet b\u00fct\u00fcn yurtta\u015flara bi\u00e7imsel olarak e\u015fit oy hakk\u0131 tan\u0131yabilir. Ancak bir tarafta milyarlarca dolarl\u0131k ekonomik g\u00fcc\u00fc, medya kurulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131, \u015firketleri ve siyasal ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131 elinde tutan bir s\u0131n\u0131f; di\u011fer tarafta ge\u00e7inebilmek i\u00e7in \u00fccretine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 milyonlar varsa ger\u00e7ek siyasal e\u015fitlikten s\u00f6z edilemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bir i\u015f\u00e7iyle holding patronunun sand\u0131kta birer oyu olabilir, fakat toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131 etkileme g\u00fc\u00e7leri ayn\u0131 de\u011fildir. Patron medya sat\u0131n alabilir, siyasete b\u00fcy\u00fck kaynaklar aktarabilir ve binlerce ki\u015finin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131 \u00fczerinde karar verebilir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i ise \u00e7o\u011fu zaman temel ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131laman\u0131n m\u00fccadelesini verir. B\u00f6ylesi maddi e\u015fitsizlik ko\u015fullar\u0131nda yaln\u0131zca hukuksal e\u015fitlik ger\u00e7ek e\u015fitlik yaratmaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ancak s\u0131n\u0131fsal s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmak, ulusal bask\u0131y\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelmenin bahanesi de olamaz. Marksizm s\u0131n\u0131f sorununu \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131rken halklar\u0131n ink\u00e2r\u0131n\u0131, asimilasyonu ve ulusal ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131 me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmaz. Tam tersine b\u00fct\u00fcn uluslar\u0131n tam e\u015fitli\u011fini savunur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Tek\u00e7i bir devlet kendisini tek millet, tek dil, tek tarih ve tek kimlik \u00fczerinden kurdu\u011funda farkl\u0131 halklar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcr geli\u015fimini engeller. Bir halk\u0131n dili kamusal ya\u015famdan d\u0131\u015flan\u0131yor, tarihi ink\u00e2r ediliyor, kimli\u011fi tehdit olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131n\u0131yorsa e\u015fit yurtta\u015fl\u0131ktan s\u00f6z edilemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Ger\u00e7ek karde\u015flik ink\u00e2r \u00fczerine kurulamaz.<\/strong> Bir halka \u00f6nce kendi kimli\u011finden vazge\u00e7mesi s\u00f6ylenip ard\u0131ndan \u201chepimiz karde\u015fiz\u201d denilemez. Ger\u00e7ek birlik, farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 de\u011fil, farkl\u0131 halklar\u0131n e\u015fit ve \u00f6zg\u00fcr iradeyle birlikte ya\u015fayabilmesidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Lenin\u2019in \u201chi\u00e7bir ulusa ayr\u0131cal\u0131k yok, b\u00fct\u00fcn uluslara tam e\u015fitlik\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemi de buradad\u0131r. Ulusal bask\u0131n\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, farkl\u0131 uluslardan i\u015f\u00e7ilerin birbirlerine g\u00fcvenebilmeleri ve ortak s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini geli\u015ftirebilmeleri i\u00e7in zorunludur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ezen ulusun i\u015f\u00e7isi ba\u015fka bir halk \u00fczerindeki bask\u0131ya sessiz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kendi burjuvazisinin milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fine ba\u011flan\u0131r. Ezilen ulusun i\u015f\u00e7isi de kendi burjuvazisinin s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 \u201culusal \u00e7\u0131kar\u201d ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda benimserse kendi patronunun arkas\u0131na dizilmi\u015f olur. Marksist enternasyonalizm her iki e\u011filimin de kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">T\u00fcrk i\u015f\u00e7isinin kurtulu\u015fu K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n ink\u00e2r\u0131nda de\u011fildir; K\u00fcrt i\u015f\u00e7isinin kurtulu\u015fu da K\u00fcrt burjuvazisinin egemenli\u011finde de\u011fildir. Bir halk\u0131n burjuvazisini ba\u015fka bir halk\u0131n burjuvazisiyle de\u011fi\u015ftirmek sosyalizm olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, devletin egemen ulusunu de\u011fi\u015ftirip s\u0131n\u0131fsal s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek de emek\u00e7ilerin kurtulu\u015fu de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Marksistler i\u00e7in ama\u00e7 farkl\u0131 halklardan patronlar\u0131n e\u015fit temsil edildi\u011fi bir s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc d\u00fczeni de\u011fil, patron s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n egemenli\u011finin ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ger\u00e7ek halk cumhuriyeti ne yaln\u0131zca ulusal e\u015fitlikten ibarettir ne de ulusal sorunu yok sayan dar bir ekonomik s\u0131n\u0131f s\u00f6ylemine indirgenebilir. Halklar\u0131n dilleri, k\u00fclt\u00fcrleri, kimlikleri ve siyasal iradeleri \u00fczerindeki bask\u0131lar\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ile sermayenin emek \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011finin sona erdirilmesi ayn\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin par\u00e7alar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ulusal ayr\u0131cal\u0131klara son verilmesi s\u0131n\u0131fsal ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yla; emperyalist ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 sermaye egemenli\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyle; fa\u015fist bask\u0131 mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131n tasfiyesi ise i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ve halklar\u0131n do\u011frudan siyasal \u00f6zne h\u00e2line gelmesiyle birle\u015fmelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yerde ger\u00e7ek toplumsal e\u015fitlik kurulamaz. Milyonlarca insan yoksulluk i\u00e7inde ya\u015farken k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n servetine servet katt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00fczen halk\u0131n cumhuriyeti olamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu nedenle sorulmas\u0131 gereken yaln\u0131zca \u201ccumhuriyet var m\u0131?\u201d de\u011fildir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i \u00fcretti\u011fi zenginlik \u00fczerinde s\u00f6z sahibi midir? Emek\u00e7iler fabrikalar\u0131n, bankalar\u0131n, madenlerin ve do\u011fal kaynaklar\u0131n nas\u0131l kullan\u0131laca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirleyebilmekte midir? Halklar kendi dilleri, k\u00fclt\u00fcrleri ve siyasal gelecekleri \u00fczerinde \u00f6zg\u00fcrce karar verebilmekte midir? Yoksa toplumun \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu \u00fcretirken k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir az\u0131nl\u0131k y\u00f6netmekte ve el koymakta m\u0131d\u0131r?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">E\u011fer ikincisi ge\u00e7erliyse, siyasal bi\u00e7imin ad\u0131 ne olursa olsun s\u0131n\u0131fsal egemenlik devam ediyor demektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Burjuva ideolojisi \u201chepimiz ayn\u0131 milletiz\u201d diyerek i\u015f\u00e7iyle patron aras\u0131ndaki kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 gizlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Oysa i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 kendi patronuyla de\u011fil, ba\u015fka halklardan i\u015f\u00e7ilerle ortakt\u0131r. T\u00fcrk i\u015f\u00e7inin s\u0131n\u0131f karde\u015fi K\u00fcrt, Arap, Ermeni ve d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerindeki i\u015f\u00e7ilerdir. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde K\u00fcrt i\u015f\u00e7inin kurtulu\u015fu da kendi burjuvazisinin pe\u015fine tak\u0131lmakta de\u011fil, b\u00fct\u00fcn halklardan emek\u00e7ilerle ortak m\u00fccadele kurmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Proletarya enternasyonalizminin temeli budur: halklar\u0131n e\u015fitli\u011fi, dillerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini belirleyebilmesi, emperyalist ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n sona erdirilmesi, fa\u015fist bask\u0131 d\u00fczeninin tasfiyesi ve b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlarla birlikte i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sermayeye kar\u015f\u0131 ortak m\u00fccadelesi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ger\u00e7ek cumhuriyet ancak bu \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme dinamiklerinin birle\u015fmesiyle d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilir: ulusal bask\u0131n\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131fsal s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn sona erdirilmesi, emperyalist ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve halk\u0131n siyasal iktidar\u0131n ger\u00e7ek \u00f6znesi h\u00e2line gelmesi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu nedenle m\u00fccadele yaln\u0131zca tek\u00e7i devlete kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7o\u011fulculuk, yaln\u0131zca ulusal ink\u00e2ra kar\u015f\u0131 e\u015fitlik veya mevcut cumhuriyeti daha demokratik h\u00e2le getirme m\u00fccadelesi de\u011fildir. Ayn\u0131 zamanda sermayeye, emperyalizme ve fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131; emek\u00e7ilerin ve halklar\u0131n kendi siyasal d\u00fczenlerini kurma m\u00fccadelesidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bir avu\u00e7 sermayedar\u0131n ayr\u0131cal\u0131\u011f\u0131na son vermeden halk egemenli\u011fi; bir ulusun di\u011fer halklar \u00fczerindeki ayr\u0131cal\u0131\u011f\u0131na son vermeden ger\u00e7ek karde\u015flik; emperyalist ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k k\u0131r\u0131lmadan ger\u00e7ek ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k; s\u0131n\u0131fsal s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye son verilmeden ger\u00e7ek e\u015fitlik kurulamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla gelece\u011fin cumhuriyeti yaln\u0131zca \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcn halklar\u0131n ortak cumhuriyeti\u201d diye tan\u0131mlanamaz. Bu tan\u0131m, ancak onun s\u0131n\u0131fsal, siyasal ve anti-emperyalist i\u00e7eri\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya konuldu\u011funda anlam kazan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Hangi halklar\u0131n, hangi s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n cumhuriyeti?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bizim yan\u0131t\u0131m\u0131z a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Sermayenin de\u011fil eme\u011fin; patronlar\u0131n de\u011fil emek\u00e7ilerin; egemen bir ulusun de\u011fil b\u00fct\u00fcn halklar\u0131n; tek dilin de\u011fil b\u00fct\u00fcn dillerin; emperyalist ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n de\u011fil halklar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcr iradesinin; fa\u015fist bask\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fil demokratik halk iktidar\u0131n\u0131n; s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn de\u011fil e\u015fitli\u011fin; ink\u00e2r\u0131n de\u011fil tan\u0131nman\u0131n; milliyet\u00e7i d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n de\u011fil i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 enternasyonalizminin cumhuriyeti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Devrimcilerin g\u00f6revi bask\u0131c\u0131, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc ve emperyalizme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 bir cumhuriyetin i\u00e7inde kendilerine bir yer aramak de\u011fil; i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ve ezilen halklar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadelesiyle bu d\u00fczenin toplumsal temelini a\u015fmak ve yerine e\u015fit, \u00f6zg\u00fcr, demokratik ve emek\u00e7i karakterli yeni bir cumhuriyet kurmakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ger\u00e7ek halk egemenli\u011fi yaln\u0131zca bayrakta, anayasada veya devletin ad\u0131nda de\u011fil; \u00fcretenlerin y\u00f6netmesinde, halklar\u0131n e\u015fitli\u011finde, emperyalist ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n sona ermesinde ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131nda hayat bulabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Ancak b\u00f6yle bir cumhuriyet ger\u00e7ekten halk\u0131n cumhuriyeti olabilir.<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Bir devletin ad\u0131n\u0131n \u201ccumhuriyet\u201d olmas\u0131, onun halk\u0131n&#46;&#46;&#46;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":10344,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7,29],"tags":[],"manset":[],"bilesen":[],"class_list":["post-10343","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-makaleler","category-manset"],"amp_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10343","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=10343"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10343\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10345,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10343\/revisions\/10345"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10344"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10343"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=10343"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=10343"},{"taxonomy":"manset","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/manset?post=10343"},{"taxonomy":"bilesen","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/bilesen?post=10343"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}