Devlet Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin 1 Ekim 2024\u2019te TBMM\u2019nin yeni yasama y\u0131l\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131nda DEM Parti s\u0131ralar\u0131na giderek parti y\u00f6neticilerinin ellerini s\u0131kmas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye siyasetinde yaln\u0131zca \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 bir g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc de\u011fildi. Bu temas, k\u0131sa s\u00fcre sonra 22 Ekim\u2019de Abdullah \u00d6calan\u2019a y\u00f6nelik yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131yla birlikte d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, devletin K\u00fcrt meselesi ve PKK konusunda yeni bir y\u00f6nelime girdi\u011finin sembolik ilan\u0131 niteli\u011findeydi. Bah\u00e7eli, \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn la\u011fvedildi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 halinde \u201cumut hakk\u0131\u201dndan yararlanmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131labilece\u011fini ve DEM Parti grup toplant\u0131s\u0131nda konu\u015fabilece\u011fini s\u00f6yledi. Oysa ayn\u0131 Bah\u00e7eli birka\u00e7 ay \u00f6nce DEM Parti hakk\u0131nda kapatma davas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 savunuyor, daha geriye gidildi\u011finde ise \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n idam edilmemesini Erdo\u011fan\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 siyasi bir silah olarak kullan\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu keskin g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi do\u011fal olarak \u015fu soruyu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131yor: Y\u0131llard\u0131r T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin en sert, d\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131 ve \u015foven damarlar\u0131ndan birinin siyasal merkezi olan MHP ile onun lideri Devlet Bah\u00e7eli neden birdenbire \u201cbar\u0131\u015f\u201dtan s\u00f6z etmeye ba\u015flad\u0131? Bah\u00e7eli ger\u00e7ekten de\u011fi\u015fti mi, yoksa de\u011fi\u015fen ba\u015fka bir \u015fey mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Sorunun cevab\u0131n\u0131 Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin ki\u015fisel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerinde aramak yan\u0131lt\u0131c\u0131 olur. Burada esas de\u011fi\u015fen MHP\u2019nin temel ideolojik karakterinden \u00e7ok, devletin g\u00fcvenlik ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n ve b\u00f6lgesel \u00f6nceliklerinin tan\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r. MHP gelene\u011fi tarih boyunca kendisini devletin bekas\u0131yla \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftiren bir \u00e7izgi izledi. 1960\u2019lar\u0131n sonundan 1980\u2019e kadar bu \u00e7izginin ba\u015fl\u0131ca d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 kom\u00fcnizmdi. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131nda \u00fclk\u00fcc\u00fc hareket anti-kom\u00fcnizm \u00fczerinden \u015fekillendi ve kendisini devletin i\u00e7 tehditlere kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fan toplumsal g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131. 1990\u2019lardan itibaren ise kom\u00fcnizmin yerine \u201cb\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck\u201d ve PKK ge\u00e7ti. MHP a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan temel mesele yine ayn\u0131yd\u0131: Devletin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc tehdit etti\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen siyasal ve toplumsal hareketin tasfiye edilmesi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bug\u00fcn ya\u015fanan d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm bu nedenle MHP\u2019nin devlet\u00e7i karakterinden kopu\u015f de\u011fil, tam tersine onun yeni ko\u015fullara uyarlanmas\u0131d\u0131r. D\u00fcn devletin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131n PKK\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 askeri m\u00fccadelenin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesinden ge\u00e7ti\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Bug\u00fcn ise PKK\u2019nin silahl\u0131 varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n sona erdirilmesi, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin hem i\u00e7eride hem b\u00f6lgede \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7abilecek stratejik bir hedef olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. \u00d6calan da bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca mutlak d\u00fc\u015fman olarak de\u011fil, \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn silahs\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve tasfiye edilmesinde kullan\u0131labilecek i\u015flevsel bir muhatap olarak de\u011ferlendiriliyor. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin \u00d6calan\u2019a ili\u015fkin dilinin de\u011fi\u015fmesi, K\u00fcrt meselesine demokratik bir bak\u0131\u015f geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmiyor. De\u011fi\u015fen, \u00d6calan\u2019a devlet a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan y\u00fcklenen i\u015flevdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin 2026 A\u011fustos\u2019unda T\u00fcrkg\u00fcn gazetesine verdi\u011fi s\u00f6yle\u015fi bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde ortaya koyuyor. \u201cT\u00fcrk Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 kullanan Bah\u00e7eli, meseleyi K\u00fcrtlerin demokratik haklar\u0131ndan, e\u015fit yurtta\u015fl\u0131ktan veya ge\u00e7mi\u015fte ya\u015fanan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n toplumsal nedenlerinden hareketle a\u00e7\u0131klam\u0131yor. Bunun yerine Suriye, Irak ve L\u00fcbnan gibi \u00fclkelerde merkezi devletlerin g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesinden, toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn korunmas\u0131ndan ve devlet d\u0131\u015f\u0131 silahl\u0131 yap\u0131lar\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndan s\u00f6z ediyor. Yani onun bar\u0131\u015f anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan toplumsal uzla\u015fma ve \u00e7o\u011fulculuk de\u011fil, yukar\u0131dan g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc devletler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla olu\u015fturulacak bir b\u00f6lgesel d\u00fczendir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m \u00f6zellikle Suriye meselesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yor. T\u00fcrkiye devleti i\u00e7in K\u00fcrt meselesi art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca \u00fclke s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisindeki PKK faaliyetlerinden ibaret de\u011fil. Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131\u2019ndaki federal yap\u0131 ve Suriye\u2019de K\u00fcrtlerin sava\u015f s\u00fcrecinde kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 askeri ve siyasal kapasite, Ankara a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan K\u00fcrt sorununu b\u00f6lgesel bir jeopolitik meseleye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc. T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7inde PKK\u2019nin silahl\u0131 varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tasfiye edilmesi, devlet a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Suriye\u2019deki K\u00fcrt yap\u0131lanmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 daha farkl\u0131 ve daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir siyasal zemin yaratabilir. Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin s\u00fcrekli Suriye\u2019nin merkezi yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131, toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve silahl\u0131 devlet d\u0131\u015f\u0131 akt\u00f6rlerin tasfiyesini vurgulamas\u0131 da bu nedenle tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Meseleyi yaln\u0131zca g\u00fcvenlik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan de\u011ferlendirmek de eksik kal\u0131r. Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin konu\u015fmalar\u0131nda Orta Koridor, Kalk\u0131nma Yolu, enerji nakil hatlar\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Asya ile Avrupa aras\u0131ndaki ticaret yollar\u0131ndaki konumuna yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 vurgu, s\u00fcrecin ekonomik boyutunu da g\u00f6steriyor. T\u00fcrkiye sermayesi yaln\u0131zca i\u00e7 pazara dayanan bir geli\u015fme \u00e7izgisine sahip de\u011fil. Irak\u2019tan Suriye\u2019ye, Kafkasya\u2019dan Orta Asya\u2019ya, K\u00f6rfez\u2019den Avrupa\u2019ya uzanan geni\u015f bir alanda ticaret, enerji, ula\u015ft\u0131rma ve yat\u0131r\u0131m a\u011flar\u0131n\u0131n merkezlerinden biri olmay\u0131 hedefliyor. Bunun i\u00e7in ise g\u00fcvenli yollar, istikrarl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlar, merkezi devletler ve silahl\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n sona erdi\u011fi bir co\u011frafya gerekiyor. PKK\u2019nin silahs\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 bu a\u00e7\u0131dan yaln\u0131zca bir g\u00fcvenlik politikas\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda sermayenin b\u00f6lgesel hareket alan\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletecek bir istikrar politikas\u0131n\u0131n par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu noktada neden s\u00fcrecin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc Erdo\u011fan\u2019dan \u00e7ok Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorusu da \u00f6nem kazan\u0131yor. Cevap yine MHP\u2019nin tarihsel rol\u00fcnde bulunabilir. K\u00fcrt meselesinde at\u0131lacak her ad\u0131m\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda y\u0131llarca kullan\u0131lan en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc siyasi su\u00e7lama \u201cter\u00f6rle pazarl\u0131k\u201d oldu. Bu su\u00e7laman\u0131n en sert ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131ndan biri MHP idi. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00d6calan\u2019la temas veya PKK\u2019nin silahs\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik siyasi bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 do\u011frudan Erdo\u011fan taraf\u0131ndan ba\u015flat\u0131lsayd\u0131, milliyet\u00e7i tabanda ciddi bir tepki yaratabilirdi. Fakat ayn\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131y\u0131 y\u0131llarca bu politikalara en sert \u015fekilde kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f olan Bah\u00e7eli yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, s\u00fcrecin milliyet\u00e7i me\u015fruiyeti b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015f oldu. MHP b\u00f6ylece yeni politikan\u0131n yaln\u0131zca orta\u011f\u0131 de\u011fil, milliyet\u00e7i \u00e7evrelerdeki siyasal sigortas\u0131 haline geldi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu nedenle \u201cErdo\u011fan kendi siyasi gelece\u011fi i\u00e7in, Bah\u00e7eli ise devletin bekas\u0131 i\u00e7in hareket ediyor\u201d de\u011ferlendirmesi belirli bir ger\u00e7eklik ta\u015f\u0131sa da meseleyi b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle a\u00e7\u0131klam\u0131yor. Daha do\u011fru olan, iktidar blo\u011fu i\u00e7erisinde bir i\u015f b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden s\u00f6z etmektir. Erdo\u011fan y\u00fcr\u00fctme g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc, Bah\u00e7eli milliyet\u00e7i me\u015fruiyeti, devlet b\u00fcrokrasisi g\u00fcvenlik mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131, \u00d6calan ve DEM Parti ise silahl\u0131 hareketin tasfiyesi i\u00e7in gerekli siyasi kanal\u0131 sa\u011fl\u0131yor. Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin DEM Parti y\u00f6neticileriyle tokala\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n esas anlam\u0131 da burada ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor: Bu, ki\u015fisel bir yumu\u015fama de\u011fil, yeni devlet politikas\u0131n\u0131n milliyet\u00e7i alanda ilan edilmesidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ancak as\u0131l mesele silahlar\u0131n b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra ba\u015flayacakt\u0131r. Silahl\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n sona ermesi ku\u015fkusuz tarihsel derecede \u00f6nemli ve olumlu bir geli\u015fmedir. Fakat silahlar\u0131n susmas\u0131 K\u00fcrt meselesinin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi anlam\u0131na gelmez. Bar\u0131\u015f literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde buna \u201cnegatif bar\u0131\u015f\u201d denir: \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ve \u00f6l\u00fcm sona erer, ancak \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 \u00fcreten siyasal ve toplumsal nedenler devam edebilir. Ger\u00e7ek bir demokratik bar\u0131\u015f ise e\u015fit yurtta\u015fl\u0131k, ifade ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, yerel y\u00f6netimlerin iradesi, ana dil meselesi, se\u00e7ilmi\u015f siyaset\u00e7ilerin g\u00f6revden al\u0131nmas\u0131, siyasi tutukluluk, K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin kamusal alandaki konumu ve ge\u00e7mi\u015fle y\u00fczle\u015fme gibi ba\u015fl\u0131klarda ad\u0131m at\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektirir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 tam da bu noktada s\u00fcrecin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor. PKK\u2019nin fesih ve silah b\u0131rakma kararlar\u0131nda ayr\u0131 devlet, federasyon, \u00f6zerklik veya benzeri taleplerin bulunmamas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6zellikle olumlu bir geli\u015fme olarak sunuyor. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k T\u00fcrk vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 farkl\u0131 etnik unsurlar\u0131 \u201cT\u00fcrk siyasal aidiyeti\u201d alt\u0131nda birle\u015ftiren bir \u015femsiye olarak tarif ediyor. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m ge\u00e7mi\u015fteki kaba ink\u00e2r siyasetinden daha esnek g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de \u00e7o\u011fulcu ve e\u015fitlik\u00e7i bir yurtta\u015fl\u0131k anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 de\u011fildir. Eski devlet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u201cK\u00fcrt yoktur\u201d diyordu. Yeni form\u00fcl ise \u201cK\u00fcrt vard\u0131r ama siyasal \u00fcst kimli\u011fi T\u00fcrk\u2019t\u00fcr\u201d demeye daha yak\u0131nd\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla MHP\u2019nin temel yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131nda k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir demokratik de\u011fi\u015fim oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr. K\u00fcrtlerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kabul edilebilir, K\u00fcrt\u00e7e konu\u015fulabilir, hatta K\u00fcrt siyasal akt\u00f6rlerle temas kurulabilir; fakat b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131n devlet taraf\u0131ndan belirlenen \u00fcniter ve tek \u00fcst kimlikli \u00e7er\u00e7evenin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kmamas\u0131 istenir. Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin \u201cT\u00fcrk Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131\u201d dedi\u011fi \u015fey de tam olarak bu s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 ifade ediyor. Silahl\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 sona erdirmeyi ama\u00e7l\u0131yor ancak K\u00fcrt meselesinin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir demokratik ve kolektif haklar sorunu olarak geli\u015fmesine kap\u0131y\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k b\u0131rakm\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu nedenle Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin son y\u0131llardaki de\u011fi\u015fimini bir \u201cbar\u0131\u015f g\u00fcvercinine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fme\u201d olarak tarif etmek yan\u0131lt\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r. Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin de\u011fi\u015fmeyen temel ilkesi bar\u0131\u015f veya demokrasi de\u011fil, devlet merkezliliktir. D\u00fcn devletin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131n sava\u015f\u0131n s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesinden ge\u00e7ti\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7in sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131 bir dil kullan\u0131yordu. Bug\u00fcn devletin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131n PKK\u2019nin silahs\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndan ge\u00e7ti\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7in m\u00fczakere ve bar\u0131\u015f dili kullan\u0131yor. Yar\u0131n ayn\u0131 devlet \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fka bir y\u00f6ntemi gerektirdi\u011fine karar verilirse s\u00f6ylemin yeniden sertle\u015fmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcnde ideolojik bir engel bulunmuyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Tam da bu nedenle \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nemin esas \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 \u201cPKK silah b\u0131rakacak m\u0131?\u201d sorusu \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, silahlar b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra K\u00fcrt meselesinin nas\u0131l tan\u0131mlanaca\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinden ya\u015fanacakt\u0131r. Bir tarafta K\u00fcrt meselesinin demokratikle\u015fme, e\u015fit yurtta\u015fl\u0131k ve \u00e7o\u011fulculuk temelinde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesini isteyenler bulunacakt\u0131r. Di\u011fer tarafta ise \u201csilahlar b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131, sorun bitmi\u015ftir\u201d diyerek mevcut devlet ve vatanda\u015fl\u0131k anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 korumak isteyen bir \u00e7izgi olacakt\u0131r. Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc s\u00f6ylemi ikinci \u00e7izginin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 \u015fimdiden belirliyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan paradoks a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. D\u00fcn K\u00fcrt meselesinde her t\u00fcrl\u00fc diyalog ve m\u00fczakerenin en sert kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131ndan biri olan MHP, bug\u00fcn silahs\u0131zlanma s\u00fcrecinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7an ba\u015fl\u0131ca akt\u00f6rlerden biri haline gelmi\u015ftir. Fakat ayn\u0131 MHP, yar\u0131n silahs\u0131zlanmadan demokratik bar\u0131\u015fa ge\u00e7i\u015fin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc frenlerden biri de olabilir. Birinci a\u015famada milliyet\u00e7i lojisti\u011fiyle s\u00fcreci kolayla\u015ft\u0131ran Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin, ikinci a\u015famada e\u015fit yurtta\u015fl\u0131k ve demokratikle\u015fme taleplerinin \u00f6n\u00fcne sert s\u0131n\u0131rlar \u00e7izmesi \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 olmayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu nedenle ortada ger\u00e7ek anlam\u0131yla bir bar\u0131\u015f g\u00fcvercini yoktur. Daha do\u011fru ifadeyle \u015fahin h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u015fahindir; yaln\u0131zca devletin ona verdi\u011fi g\u00f6rev de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015ftir. D\u00fcn sava\u015f\u0131n milliyet\u00e7i me\u015fruiyetini sa\u011fl\u0131yordu, bug\u00fcn silahs\u0131zland\u0131rman\u0131n milliyet\u00e7i me\u015fruiyetini sa\u011fl\u0131yor. As\u0131l soru, yar\u0131n demokratikle\u015fme g\u00fcndeme geldi\u011finde ayn\u0131 milliyet\u00e7i devlet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n nas\u0131l bir pozisyon alaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ger\u00e7ek bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fct\u00fc Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin \u00d6calan\u2019a hangi s\u0131fatla hitap etti\u011fi olmayacakt\u0131r. \u00d6l\u00e7\u00fct, silahlar\u0131n sustu\u011fu bir T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de K\u00fcrtlerin T\u00fcrklerle ger\u00e7ekten e\u015fit yurtta\u015flar olarak ya\u015fay\u0131p ya\u015fayamayaca\u011f\u0131, demokratik siyasetin alan\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015fleyip geni\u015flemeyece\u011fi ve devletin tek\u00e7i kimlik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir ortak ya\u015fam fikrine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcp d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmeyece\u011fidir. Sonu\u00e7 olarak ger\u00e7ek olan, ortaya \u00e7\u0131kacak olan tek \u015fey bar\u0131\u015f, demokratikle\u015fme ve K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n kimli\u011finin tan\u0131nmas\u0131 vb. olmayaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Devlet Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin 1 Ekim 2024\u2019te TBMM\u2019nin yeni...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":10362,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7,29],"tags":[],"manset":[],"bilesen":[],"class_list":["post-10361","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-makaleler","category-manset"],"amp_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10361","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=10361"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10361\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10363,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10361\/revisions\/10363"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10362"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10361"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=10361"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=10361"},{"taxonomy":"manset","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/manset?post=10361"},{"taxonomy":"bilesen","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/bilesen?post=10361"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}