{"id":10517,"date":"2026-09-06T23:25:22","date_gmt":"2026-09-06T20:25:22","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/?p=10517"},"modified":"2026-09-06T23:25:28","modified_gmt":"2026-09-06T20:25:28","slug":"siperin-ote-yanindaki-yoldaslar-semdin-simsir","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/2026\/09\/06\/siperin-ote-yanindaki-yoldaslar-semdin-simsir\/","title":{"rendered":"Siperin \u00d6te Yan\u0131ndaki Yolda\u015flar -\u015eemdin \u015eim\u015fir"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><em>Bu Sava\u015f Bizim De\u011fil<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><em>Anadolu Seferi\u2019nde Yunan Kom\u00fcnistleri, s\u0131n\u0131f karde\u015fli\u011fi ve unutulan enternasyonalizm<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><em>Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan \u0130zmir\u2019in Yunan ordusu taraf\u0131ndan i\u015fgal edilmesinden, i\u015fgalin 9 Eyl\u00fcl 1922\u2019de sona ermesine kadar ge\u00e7en s\u00fcre\u00e7te, Yunan ordusu i\u00e7inde yer alan kom\u00fcnist askerlerin sava\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmalar\u0131 ve \u201cKarde\u015f halklara silah \u00e7ekmeyiz\u201d tutumlar\u0131 bug\u00fcn tarihin tozlu raflar\u0131 aras\u0131nda kalm\u0131\u015f \u00f6nemli bir direni\u015f \u00f6rne\u011fidir. Bu makale, onlar\u0131n an\u0131s\u0131na sayg\u0131yla bu tarihsel tutumu yeniden g\u00fcn y\u00fcz\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131karmay\u0131 ama\u00e7lamaktad\u0131r.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bir sava\u015f\u0131n en tehlikeli askeri yaln\u0131zca emre itaat etmeyen asker de\u011fildir. As\u0131l tehlikeli asker, kendisine verilen t\u00fcfe\u011fi elinde tutarken \u201cBen kimi, neden \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcyorum?\u201d diye sormaya ba\u015flayan askerdir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sava\u015f makinesi yaln\u0131zca silahla i\u015flemez; ondan \u00f6nce bir fikre ihtiya\u00e7 duyar. Kar\u015f\u0131ndaki insan\u0131n \u201cd\u00fc\u015fman\u201d oldu\u011funa inanmal\u0131s\u0131n. Onun \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn senin kurtulu\u015fun oldu\u011funa, ba\u015fka bir halk\u0131n yenilgisinin senin zaferin oldu\u011funa ve seni cepheye g\u00f6nderenlerle senin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n ayn\u0131 oldu\u011funa ikna edilmelisin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Milliyet\u00e7ilik sava\u015f\u0131n bu ideolojik cephanesidir. Bir fabrikat\u00f6rle i\u015f\u00e7iyi ayn\u0131 bayra\u011f\u0131n alt\u0131nda \u201ckarde\u015f\u201d, s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n \u00f6te yan\u0131ndaki ba\u015fka bir i\u015f\u00e7iyi ise \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne d\u00fc\u015fman ilan eder. Bir toprak a\u011fas\u0131yla yoksul k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 \u201cmilli \u00e7\u0131kar\u201d ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda birle\u015ftirirken, ayn\u0131 yoksullu\u011fu ya\u015fayan ba\u015fka bir halk\u0131n k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc hedef tahtas\u0131na koyar. 1919-1922 T\u00fcrk-Yunan Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n unutulan tarihinin en \u00f6nemli par\u00e7alar\u0131ndan biri tam da bu b\u00fcy\u00fcn\u00fcn bozuldu\u011fu anlard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Yunan ordusunun i\u00e7inde k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ama \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir sosyalist ve kom\u00fcnist asker ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131, Anadolu\u2019ya y\u00fcr\u00fcyen sava\u015f makinesinin i\u00e7erisinde \u201cBu sava\u015f kimin sava\u015f\u0131?\u201d sorusunu sormaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Onlar\u0131n hepsi silahlar\u0131n\u0131 ayn\u0131 g\u00fcn yere b\u0131rakmad\u0131. Y\u00fczlercesinin tek s\u0131ra halinde dizilip \u201cT\u00fcrk karde\u015flerimize ate\u015f etmeyece\u011fiz\u201d diyerek kur\u015funa dizildi\u011fini do\u011frulayacak tarihsel bir belge de bug\u00fcn elimizde yok. Ama bundan daha \u00f6nemli ve daha iyi belgelenmi\u015f bir ger\u00e7ek var: Yunan ordusunun i\u00e7erisinde kom\u00fcnist h\u00fccreler ger\u00e7ekten kuruldu, sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 gazeteler ger\u00e7ekten \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131, bildiriler ger\u00e7ekten da\u011f\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131, firar eden askerlere ger\u00e7ekten yard\u0131m edildi ve sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 faaliyetleri nedeniyle tutuklanan, s\u00fcr\u00fclen ya da asker\u00ee mahkemeye verilen kom\u00fcnistler ger\u00e7ekten vard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu insanlar\u0131n bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, kendilerine \u201cd\u00fc\u015fman\u201d diye g\u00f6sterilen Anadolu halk\u0131n\u0131n yoksullar\u0131yla aralar\u0131ndaki s\u0131n\u0131f ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, kendi egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131yla aralar\u0131ndaki s\u00f6zde \u201cmilli birlik\u201dten daha ger\u00e7ek g\u00f6rmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. \u0130\u015fte bug\u00fcn hat\u0131rlanmas\u0131 gereken tarih budur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 bitmi\u015fti, fakat emek\u00e7iler i\u00e7in sava\u015f bitmemi\u015fti<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\u00d6nce s\u0131k yap\u0131lan bir tarih hatas\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczeltmek gerekiyor. Yunan ordusunun \u0130zmir\u2019e \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda de\u011fil, sava\u015f\u0131n sona ermesinden sonra, 15 May\u0131s 1919\u2019da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Ard\u0131ndan Bat\u0131 Anadolu\u2019daki Yunan asker\u00ee varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 geni\u015fledi ve 1922\u2019ye kadar s\u00fcrecek olan T\u00fcrk-Yunan Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019na, Yunan tarih yaz\u0131m\u0131ndaki ad\u0131yla K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Asya Seferi\u2019ne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Fakat Yunan i\u015f\u00e7isi ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan 1919\u2019da ba\u015flayan seferi \u00f6nceki sava\u015flardan b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. Balkan Sava\u015flar\u0131, Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131, siyasal krizler, s\u00fcrekli seferberlikler ve ard\u0131ndan Anadolu&#8230; Yunan toplumu yakla\u015f\u0131k bir \u201csava\u015f on y\u0131l\u0131\u201d ya\u015fam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Tarih\u00e7i Nikos Potamianos\u2019un \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, bu uzun sava\u015f d\u00f6neminin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ekonomik ve toplumsal yorgunlu\u011fun Yunanistan\u2019da anti-militarist ve enternasyonalist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerin g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli bir zemin olu\u015fturdu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor. Rusya\u2019daki b\u00fcy\u00fck &nbsp;Devrimi\u2019nin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck politik k\u0131r\u0131lma da bu ho\u015fnutsuzlu\u011fa yeni bir siyasal dil sa\u011flad\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Burjuva tarih\u00e7ili\u011finin haritalar\u0131nda bu d\u00f6nem ordular\u0131n hareketleriyle anlat\u0131l\u0131r. Oysa s\u0131n\u0131f tarihinin haritas\u0131nda ba\u015fka \u015feyler g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr: uzayan askerlik, y\u00fckselen fiyatlar, eve d\u00f6nmek isteyen k\u00f6yl\u00fcler, \u00fccretini kaybeden i\u015f\u00e7iler, cepheye g\u00f6nderilen grevciler, sakat kalan insanlar, dul kad\u0131nlar ve yetim \u00e7ocuklar. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131n \u00fczerinde ise \u201cmilli ideal\u201d y\u00fckselir. Sava\u015f\u0131n bedelini \u00f6deyenlerle sava\u015f\u0131n karar\u0131n\u0131 verenler ayn\u0131 insanlar de\u011fildir. Sosyalist siyasetin sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 tam olarak bu yar\u0131\u011f\u0131n i\u00e7inden do\u011far.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">1914: II. Enternasyonal\u2019in \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ve \u201ckendi burjuvazisinin\u201d saf\u0131na ge\u00e7i\u015f<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Yunan sosyalistlerinin birka\u00e7 y\u0131l sonra Anadolu Sava\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ya\u015fayaca\u011f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in 1914\u2019e ve II. Enternasyonal\u2019in b\u00fcy\u00fck krizine d\u00f6nmek gerekir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc 1914, Avrupa sosyalizmi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yaln\u0131zca bir d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarih de\u011fil, uzun y\u0131llard\u0131r savunulan proleter enternasyonalizmin en a\u011f\u0131r s\u0131nav\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 and\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">1889\u2019da kurulan II. Enternasyonal b\u00fcnyesindeki sosyalist partiler, sava\u015f \u00f6ncesinde militarizme ve yakla\u015fan b\u00fcy\u00fck Avrupa sava\u015f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 defalarca kararlar alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 1907 Stuttgart ve 1910 Kopenhag kongrelerinde sava\u015f\u0131n nas\u0131l \u00f6nlenebilece\u011fi tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, 1912 Basel Kongresi ise yakla\u015fmakta olan sava\u015f tehlikesine kar\u015f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir uluslararas\u0131 sosyalist g\u00f6steriye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n farkl\u0131 \u00fclkelerindeki i\u015f\u00e7ilere, egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 u\u011fruna birbirlerini \u00f6ld\u00fcrmemeleri gerekti\u011fi anlat\u0131l\u0131yordu. Fakat A\u011fustos 1914\u2019te sava\u015f ger\u00e7ekten ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, y\u0131llard\u0131r enternasyonalizm ad\u0131na konu\u015fan b\u00fcy\u00fck sosyalist partilerin \u00f6nemli bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc kendi h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin ve kendi ulusal burjuvazilerinin arkas\u0131nda saf tuttu. Tarih\u00e7iler de bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc II. Enternasyonal i\u00e7erisindeki b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131r\u0131lman\u0131n temel an\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendirir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">En \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6rnek Almanya\u2019yd\u0131. II. Enternasyonal\u2019in en b\u00fcy\u00fck, en \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc ve en itibarl\u0131 partisi olan Alman Sosyal Demokrat Partisi SPD\u2019nin Reichstag grubu, 4 A\u011fustos 1914\u2019te h\u00fck\u00fcmetin istedi\u011fi sava\u015f kredilerine onay verdi. Fransa ve Bel\u00e7ika\u2019daki sosyalist \u00f6nderliklerin \u00f6nemli bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc de kendi h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin sava\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131 destekledi; Fransa\u2019da sosyalistler \u201cUnion sacr\u00e9e\u201d, yani ulusal birlik siyasetine kat\u0131ld\u0131. Her \u00fclkenin sosyalist \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu kendi tutumunu \u201cvatan savunmas\u0131\u201d gerek\u00e7esiyle a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yordu. Alman sosyal demokratlar\u0131na g\u00f6re mesele Rus \u00c7arl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019na kar\u015f\u0131 Alman halk\u0131n\u0131 savunmakt\u0131; Frans\u0131z sosyalistlerine g\u00f6re Alman militarizmine kar\u015f\u0131 Fransa\u2019y\u0131 korumakt\u0131. B\u00f6ylece birka\u00e7 hafta \u00f6ncesine kadar birbirlerine \u201cyolda\u015f\u201d diyen i\u015f\u00e7iler, kendi devletlerinin \u00fcniformalar\u0131 i\u00e7inde birbirlerine ate\u015f etmeye g\u00f6nderildi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">II. Enternasyonal\u2019in \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc belirleyen \u00e7eli\u015fki burada a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131: Uluslararas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ortak \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 m\u0131 esas al\u0131nacakt\u0131, yoksa her \u00fclkenin sosyalistleri sava\u015f ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kendi ulusal burjuvazisinin arkas\u0131na m\u0131 ge\u00e7ecekti? Sava\u015f\u0131n ilk aylar\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck sosyal demokrat partilerin \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu ikinci yolu se\u00e7ti. Lenin bu tutumu \u201csosyal-\u015fovenizm\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131: sosyalist bir s\u00f6ylemi korurken pratikte kendi devletinin ve kendi burjuvazisinin emperyalist \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 savunmak, sava\u015f kredilerine oy vermek, \u201cvatan savunmas\u0131\u201d ad\u0131na s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini ask\u0131ya almak ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 kendi egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n arkas\u0131na dizmek, sosyalizmin temel ilkelerinden vazge\u00e7mek anlam\u0131na geliyordu. Lenin, II. Enternasyonal\u2019in \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc yaln\u0131zca ki\u015fisel bir ihanet meselesi olarak de\u011fil, y\u0131llard\u0131r b\u00fcy\u00fcyen reformizmin, parlamentarizme uyumun ve s\u0131n\u0131f uzla\u015fmac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n sava\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyasal sonu\u00e7 olarak yorumlad\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Lenin\u2019in bu tart\u0131\u015fmadaki en sert ilkelerinden biri, sosyalistlerin yaln\u0131zca kar\u015f\u0131 taraftaki milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe de\u011fil, \u00f6ncelikle kendi \u00fclkelerindeki \u015fovenizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele etmesi gerekti\u011fiydi. 1914\u2019te Alman ve Avusturya sosyal demokratlar\u0131n\u0131 ele\u015ftirirken, Rus sosyalistlerinin de \u00c7arl\u0131\u011f\u0131n sava\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131 destekleyemeyece\u011fini vurguluyordu. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla enternasyonalizm, \u201c\u00f6teki devlet emperyalisttir\u201d demekten ibaret de\u011fildi; as\u0131l s\u0131nav insan\u0131n kendi devletinin, kendi ordusunun ve kendi egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sava\u015f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 tutumunda ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Rosa Luxemburg da Almanya\u2019da ayn\u0131 tarihsel kopu\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan en \u00f6nemli isimlerden biriydi. SPD\u2019nin sava\u015f kredilerine verdi\u011fi deste\u011fi uluslararas\u0131 sosyalizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc. Karl Liebknecht, Clara Zetkin ve ba\u015fka sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 sosyalistlerle birlikte \u00f6nce Internationale Gruppe\u2019yi, ard\u0131ndan Spartakus \u00e7evresini olu\u015fturan Luxemburg, sava\u015f boyunca Alman militarizmine ve SPD y\u00f6netiminin \u201culusal birlik\u201d siyasetine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele etti. Bu faaliyetleri nedeniyle sava\u015f y\u0131llar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc hapishanede ge\u00e7irdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Luxemburg\u2019un daha sonra Junius Bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fc ad\u0131yla bilinen Alman Sosyal Demokrasisinin Krizi metnindeki ele\u015ftirisinin merkezi de buydu. Ona g\u00f6re sava\u015f kredilerine verilen destek yaln\u0131zca parlamentodaki yanl\u0131\u015f bir oy de\u011fildi; Alman i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin kendi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z s\u0131n\u0131f siyasetini burjuva devletinin sava\u015f siyasetine teslim etmesiydi. SPD y\u00f6netiminin sava\u015f boyunca ilan edilen \u201cBurgfrieden\u201d, yani i\u00e7 siyasal bar\u0131\u015f ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin ask\u0131ya al\u0131nmas\u0131 politikas\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmesi, Luxemburg a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan proletaryan\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z siyasal varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n silinmesi anlam\u0131na geliyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Lenin ile Luxemburg sava\u015f, devrim, ulusal sorun ve \u00f6rg\u00fct meselesinin b\u00fct\u00fcn ayr\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131nda ayn\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Aralar\u0131nda \u00f6nemli teorik ve politik farkl\u0131l\u0131klar vard\u0131. Fakat 1914\u2019te onlar\u0131 ayn\u0131 tarihsel cephede bulu\u015fturan temel nokta a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131: sosyalist hareket kendi ulusal burjuvazisinin sava\u015f politikas\u0131na eklemlenmemeli, i\u015f\u00e7ileri \u201cmilli birlik\u201d ad\u0131na s\u0131n\u0131f karde\u015flerine kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fa g\u00f6ndermemeliydi. Luxemburg\u2019un d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde de zafer ya da yenilginin egemen s\u0131n\u0131flarla proletarya a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ayn\u0131 anlama gelmedi\u011fi vurgusu g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcyd\u00fc; sava\u015f\u0131n sonunda hem \u201cgalip\u201d hem \u201cma\u011flup\u201d \u00fclkelerin emek\u00e7ilerinin \u00f6deyece\u011fi bedel a\u011f\u0131r olacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">1915\u2019te \u0130svi\u00e7re\u2019nin Zimmerwald k\u00f6y\u00fcnde sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 sosyalistlerin yeniden bir araya gelmesi bu k\u0131r\u0131lman\u0131n ba\u015fka bir a\u015famas\u0131 oldu. Farkl\u0131 \u00fclkelerden, yani sava\u015f\u0131n birbirine d\u00fc\u015fman kamplar\u0131ndan gelen sosyalistler burada bulu\u015farak kendi h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin sava\u015f siyasetine verilen sosyalist deste\u011fi ele\u015ftirdiler ve ilhaks\u0131z, sava\u015f tazminats\u0131z bir bar\u0131\u015f \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapt\u0131lar. Lenin\u2019in \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etti\u011fi Zimmerwald Solu daha ileri gidiyor ve eski II. Enternasyonal\u2019in yerine a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a devrimci yeni bir enternasyonal kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 savunuyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 b\u00f6ylece uluslararas\u0131 sosyalist hareket i\u00e7erisinde zaten var olan reformist ve devrimci e\u011filimler aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 keskinle\u015ftirdi. 1917 Rus Devrimi\u2019nden sonra kopu\u015f daha da derinle\u015fti ve 1919\u2019da Lenin ve Bol\u015feviklerin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde III. Enternasyonal, yani Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal kuruldu. Sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda kendi h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerini destekleyen ya da devrimci kopu\u015fu reddeden sosyal demokrat ak\u0131mlar ise farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imlerde yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenerek ayr\u0131 bir uluslararas\u0131 sosyalist gelenek olu\u015fturdular. B\u00f6ylece sava\u015f \u00f6ncesinin geni\u015f II. Enternasyonal ailesinin i\u00e7inde bulunan devrimci kom\u00fcnizm ile reformist sosyal demokrasi aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131m, sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctsel bir b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Yunanistan\u2019daki SEKE ve onun i\u00e7erisindeki gen\u00e7 kom\u00fcnist ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n Anadolu Sava\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki radikalle\u015fmesini i\u015fte bu uluslararas\u0131 tarihsel k\u0131r\u0131lman\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmemek gerekir. Onlar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde hen\u00fcz birka\u00e7 y\u0131l \u00f6nce Avrupa sosyalizminin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck yenilginin sorusu duruyordu: Sava\u015f ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda sosyalistler kendi devletlerinin \u201cmilli \u00e7\u0131kar\u201d s\u00f6ylemine teslim mi olacak, yoksa kendi burjuvazilerine kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 m\u0131 savunacaklard\u0131? Yunan kom\u00fcnistlerinin Anadolu cephesinde verdikleri cevap, b\u00fct\u00fcn teredd\u00fctleri ve \u00e7eli\u015fkileriyle birlikte, 1914\u2019te \u00e7\u00f6ken II. Enternasyonal\u2019in devrimci kanad\u0131ndan y\u00fckselen \u201ckendi burjuvazinin sava\u015f\u0131na hay\u0131r\u201d d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin Ege\u2019deki yank\u0131lar\u0131ndan biri oldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck \u00dclk\u00fc\u201d: Egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131n milletin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 ilan edilmesi<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Yunan devletinin Anadolu politikas\u0131n\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in \u201cMegali \u0130dea\u201d, yani \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck \u00dclk\u00fc\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 hesaba katmak gerekir. 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l boyunca geli\u015fen bu irredantist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce, Osmanl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde ya\u015fayan Rum n\u00fcfuslar\u0131n bulundu\u011fu b\u00f6lgeleri Yunan devletinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisine katmay\u0131 hedefliyordu. Bu proje uzun s\u00fcre Yunan siyasal hayat\u0131nda neredeyse kendili\u011finden kabul edilen bir milli hedef niteli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\u0130zmir\u2019e \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f ve Anadolu seferi de kamuoyuna basit\u00e7e ba\u015fka bir \u00fclkenin topra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irme giri\u015fimi olarak sunulmad\u0131. \u201cMilli kurtulu\u015f\u201d, \u201ctarihsel hak\u201d, \u201ckurtar\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f karde\u015fler\u201d ve \u201cHelenizmin gelece\u011fi\u201d gibi kavramlarla me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Milliyet\u00e7ilik tam da burada s\u0131n\u0131fsal i\u015flevini g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu: Atinal\u0131 banker ile Tesalyal\u0131 k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn, armat\u00f6r ile liman i\u015f\u00e7isinin, b\u00fcy\u00fck t\u00fcccarla cephedeki yoksul erin ayn\u0131 \u201cmilli \u00e7\u0131kar\u201da sahip oldu\u011fu varsay\u0131l\u0131yor ve b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin \u00fczerine ulusal bir \u00f6rt\u00fc \u00e7ekiliyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">1918\u2019de kurulan Yunanistan Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi SEKE\u2019nin sonraki y\u0131llarda ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 radikalle\u015fmenin esas \u00f6nemi de buradad\u0131r. Bol\u015fevik Devrimi\u2019nin Yunan sosyalizmi \u00fczerindeki \u00f6nemli etkilerinden biri, milli birlik fikrinin s\u0131n\u0131fsal a\u00e7\u0131dan sorgulanmas\u0131yd\u0131. Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin s\u0131n\u0131f farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131lan burjuva hegemonik i\u015flevi giderek daha a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde tart\u0131\u015fma konusu haline geldi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck g\u00f6r\u00fclebilecek ama tarihsel a\u00e7\u0131dan b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kopu\u015ftu. Soru art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca \u201cYunanistan sava\u015f\u0131 kazanabilecek mi?\u201d de\u011fildi. As\u0131l soru \u015fuydu: Yunan i\u015f\u00e7isinin ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn Anadolu\u2019da sava\u015fmaktan ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 var?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">SEKE sava\u015fa ilk g\u00fcnden ayn\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131kta kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmad\u0131<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Sol tarih yaz\u0131m\u0131nda ge\u00e7mi\u015fi kusursuzla\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n bir faydas\u0131 yok. SEKE\u2019nin Anadolu seferine daha ilk g\u00fcnden b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle tutarl\u0131 ve devrimci bir kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f geli\u015ftirdi\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek tarihsel olarak do\u011fru de\u011fildir. Parti 1918\u2019de kurulmu\u015f gen\u00e7, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve i\u00e7 siyasal e\u011filimleri hen\u00fcz tam olarak ayr\u0131\u015fmam\u0131\u015f bir \u00f6rg\u00fctt\u00fc. Enternasyonalist ve Bol\u015fevik \u00e7izgi giderek g\u00fc\u00e7lenmekle birlikte parti i\u00e7inde milli mesele konusunda farkl\u0131 yakla\u015f\u0131mlar bulunuyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Philip Carabott\u2019un do\u011frudan Yunan kom\u00fcnistleri ile K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Asya Seferi aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi inceleyen ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, SEKE\u2019nin ilk y\u0131llar\u0131ndaki bu teredd\u00fctleri a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde g\u00f6steriyor. Parti bas\u0131n\u0131nda sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 yaz\u0131lar yay\u0131mlansa da \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn resm\u00ee ve aktif sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ge\u00e7i\u015fi a\u015famal\u0131 oldu. 1920\u2019de dahi enternasyonalist \u00e7izgi ile milli meseleye ili\u015fkin eski yakla\u015f\u0131mlar aras\u0131ndaki gerilim tamamen \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f de\u011fildi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi kabul etmek SEKE\u2019nin tarihsel \u00f6nemini azaltmaz; tam tersine, s\u0131n\u0131f bilincinin g\u00f6kten inmedi\u011fini g\u00f6sterir. \u0130nsanlar ve \u00f6rg\u00fctler m\u00fccadele i\u00e7erisinde de\u011fi\u015fir. Sava\u015f uzad\u0131k\u00e7a, yoksulluk derinle\u015ftik\u00e7e ve askerler \u00f6l\u00fcrken \u201cmilli \u00fclk\u00fc\u201dn\u00fcn maddi bedeli g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale geldik\u00e7e parti i\u00e7erisindeki enternasyonalist \u00e7izgi g\u00fc\u00e7lendi. 1920 se\u00e7imlerine gelindi\u011finde SEKE, sava\u015f\u0131n sona erdirilmesini, uzun seferberli\u011fin bitirilmesini ve asker ka\u00e7aklar\u0131yla firarilere genel af verilmesini ba\u015fl\u0131ca talepleri aras\u0131na ald\u0131. Atina ve Selanik\u2019teki sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 g\u00f6steriler \u00f6nemli kalabal\u0131klar\u0131 toplamaya ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">1921\u2019de ise dil daha sertle\u015fti. Yeni h\u00fck\u00fcmet sava\u015f\u0131 bitirmek yerine Anadolu\u2019nun i\u00e7lerine do\u011fru geni\u015fletti\u011finde SEKE, sava\u015fa ve onun yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 hayat pahal\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6steriler \u00f6rg\u00fctledi. Parti s\u00f6yleminde Yunan ordusunun \u0130ngiliz ve Frans\u0131z sermaye \u00e7evrelerinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 u\u011fruna kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 savunuluyor ve Yunan i\u015f\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fclerinin Anadolu\u2019da sava\u015fmamas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi ilan ediliyordu. Burada tarihsel olarak \u00f6nemli bir e\u015fik a\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131: SEKE art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca \u201cbar\u0131\u015f olsun\u201d demiyor, sava\u015f\u0131 \u00fcreten toplumsal \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 te\u015fhir etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\u201cT\u00fcrk dostlu\u011fu\u201dndan daha radikal bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bug\u00fcn bu kom\u00fcnist askerlerin hik\u00e2yesi T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00e7o\u011fu zaman \u201cT\u00fcrk karde\u015fime kur\u015fun s\u0131kmam\u201d c\u00fcmlesiyle \u00f6zetleniyor. Duygusal olarak g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir ifade olsa da d\u00f6nemin belgelenebilen kom\u00fcnist dilini tam olarak kar\u015f\u0131lam\u0131yor. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Yunan kom\u00fcnistlerinin as\u0131l fikri \u201cT\u00fcrkleri sevdi\u011fimiz i\u00e7in sava\u015fm\u0131yoruz\u201d bi\u00e7iminde de\u011fildi. \u00c7ok daha radikal bir \u015fey s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Onlar\u0131n meselesi T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin taraf\u0131na ge\u00e7erek Yunan milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini reddetmek de\u011fildi. Bir milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na ba\u015fka bir milliyet\u00e7ilik koymuyorlard\u0131. Sava\u015f\u0131n her iki taraf\u0131ndaki emek\u00e7ilerin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131yla, onlar\u0131 sava\u015fa s\u00fcren egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 aras\u0131nda bir ayr\u0131m kuruyorlard\u0131. Bu nedenle d\u00f6nemin kom\u00fcnist bildirilerinde \u201canavatan\u201d, \u201cmilli \u00fclk\u00fc\u201d ve \u201cvatanseverlik\u201d gibi kavramlar\u0131n arkas\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n bulundu\u011fu fikri belirgindi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu y\u00fczden onlar\u0131n sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yaln\u0131zca \u201cT\u00fcrk-Yunan dostlu\u011fu\u201dna indirgemek, siyasal i\u00e7eri\u011fini daralt\u0131r. Onlar\u0131n s\u00f6yledi\u011fi \u015fey bundan daha tehlikeliydi: \u201cBizi birbirimizi \u00f6ld\u00fcrmeye g\u00f6nderen d\u00fczeni sorgulay\u0131n.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Sava\u015f cepheye ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131; s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi de<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Devletin hesap etmedi\u011fi \u015feylerden biri, siyasal olarak radikalle\u015fmi\u015f i\u015f\u00e7ilerin askere al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini ortadan kald\u0131rmamas\u0131yd\u0131. Yaln\u0131zca mek\u00e2n\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftiriyordu. Fabrikadaki militan cephede asker oluyor, demiryolu i\u015f\u00e7isi \u00fcniforma giyiyor, sendikac\u0131 t\u00fcfek ta\u015f\u0131yor ve sosyalist gazete okuru sipere g\u00f6nderiliyordu. Fakat d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini k\u0131\u015flan\u0131n kap\u0131s\u0131nda b\u0131rakm\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Yunanistan\u2019da grevcilere kar\u015f\u0131 kullan\u0131lan y\u00f6ntemlerden biri zorunlu askere alma ve baz\u0131 militanlar\u0131 cepheye sevk etmekti. Ancak bunun beklenmedik bir sonucu oldu: sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 fikirler do\u011frudan ordunun i\u00e7erisine ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131. Demiryolu i\u015f\u00e7ileri gibi \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc emek\u00e7i kesimlerinin baz\u0131 mensuplar\u0131, cephedeki farkl\u0131 kom\u00fcnist gruplar aras\u0131nda ba\u011flant\u0131 kurulmas\u0131na ve propaganda malzemesinin dola\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 oldular.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Devlet s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini \u00fcniformayla bast\u0131rabilece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc. Fakat \u00fcniforman\u0131n i\u00e7ine i\u015f\u00e7i de girdi ve i\u015f\u00e7i beraberinde s\u0131n\u0131f haf\u0131zas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6t\u00fcrd\u00fc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Cephede \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ve sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 yay\u0131nlar<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">1920 y\u0131l\u0131na gelindi\u011finde ordunun i\u00e7erisindeki ho\u015fnutsuzluk sosyalist bas\u0131na da yans\u0131maya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. SEKE ile ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 yay\u0131nlarda cephedeki askerlerden gelen sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 metinlere yer veriliyor, sava\u015f\u0131n s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesi giderek daha a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde sorgulan\u0131yordu. Sonraki d\u00f6nem kaynaklar\u0131nda bu faaliyetler Pantelis Pouliopoulos ve cephedeki kom\u00fcnist \u00e7evrelerle ili\u015fkilendirildi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bundan sonra \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme daha g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale geldi. Cephede kom\u00fcnist asker h\u00fccreleri ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131, merkez\u00ee bir koordinasyon yarat\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131, askerler aras\u0131nda sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 metinler dola\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131 ve Yunanistan\u2019dan gelen sosyalist yay\u0131nlar birliklere ula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Baz\u0131 yay\u0131nlar cephede el yaz\u0131s\u0131yla ya da s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 imk\u00e2nlarla \u00e7o\u011falt\u0131l\u0131yordu. \u0130zmir ve \u00e7evresinin bu faaliyetlerin \u00f6nemli merkezlerinden biri oldu\u011fu, \u00e7e\u015fitli kaynaklarda \u201cK\u0131z\u0131l Muhaf\u0131z\u201d ad\u0131yla an\u0131lan yay\u0131nlar\u0131n ve ba\u015fka asker gazetelerinin dola\u015f\u0131mda bulundu\u011fu aktar\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bir ordunun i\u00e7inde gizli gazete \u00e7\u0131karman\u0131n ne demek oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek gerekir. K\u00e2\u011f\u0131d\u0131 bulmak, metni haz\u0131rlamak, \u00e7o\u011faltmak, birlikler aras\u0131nda ta\u015f\u0131mak, okuyacak askerleri bulmak ve b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131 asker\u00ee disiplin alt\u0131nda ihbar edilmeden yapmak gerekir. Yakalan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131lacak su\u00e7lama ise basit bir disiplin cezas\u0131 olmayabilir; vatana ihanet su\u00e7lamas\u0131na kadar uzanabilir. Bunun ad\u0131, sava\u015f makinesinin i\u00e7inde \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc siyasal faaliyettir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Firar: korkakl\u0131k m\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131fsal itaatsizlik mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ordular firar\u0131 \u201ckorkakl\u0131k\u201d olarak anlatmay\u0131 sever. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc asker sava\u015fmay\u0131 reddetti\u011finde bunun politik bir anlam\u0131 olabilece\u011fini kabul etmek istemezler. Elbette her firar politik de\u011fildir. Y\u0131llard\u0131r sava\u015ftan sava\u015fa s\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f, \u00f6lmek istemeyen ve ailesine d\u00f6nmek isteyen bir askerin ka\u00e7mas\u0131 i\u00e7in kom\u00fcnist olmas\u0131 gerekmez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Yunan ordusundaki firarlar\u0131n tam say\u0131s\u0131 konusunda kaynaklar aras\u0131nda ciddi farkl\u0131l\u0131klar vard\u0131r. Bu nedenle \u00e7ok y\u00fcksek rakamlar\u0131 kesin veri gibi tekrar etmek do\u011fru de\u011fildir. Ancak \u00fczerinde geni\u015f bir uzla\u015fma bulunan temel olgu, firar\u0131n sava\u015f\u0131n ilerleyen d\u00f6nemlerinde ciddi bir asker\u00ee ve toplumsal sorun haline geldi\u011fidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Kom\u00fcnist hareketin \u00f6nemi de burada ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu. Kom\u00fcnistler sava\u015f yorgunlu\u011funu yaratmad\u0131, fakat sava\u015f yorgunlu\u011funa politik bir anlam vermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Eve d\u00f6nmek isteyen askere yaln\u0131zca \u201cka\u00e7\u201d demediler; \u201cSeni buraya kim g\u00f6nderdi, bu sava\u015f neden ba\u015flad\u0131 ve kim bundan \u00e7\u0131kar sa\u011fl\u0131yor?\u201d sorular\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6nelttiler. Ho\u015fnutsuzlukla s\u0131n\u0131f bilinci aras\u0131ndaki k\u00f6pr\u00fc tam da burada kurulabilirdi. \u00c7e\u015fitli kaynaklar cephedeki kom\u00fcnist a\u011flar\u0131n firar eden baz\u0131 askerlerin saklanmas\u0131na ve g\u00fcvenli b\u00f6lgelere ula\u015fmas\u0131na yard\u0131m etti\u011fini de aktar\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Sava\u015f makinesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bundan daha tehlikeli bir faaliyet d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek zordur. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc devletin asker \u00fczerindeki iktidar\u0131, en sonunda emrin uygulanaca\u011f\u0131 varsay\u0131m\u0131na dayan\u0131r. Asker bu varsay\u0131m\u0131 bozdu\u011fu anda yaln\u0131zca bireysel bir disiplin sorunu de\u011fil, siyasal bir kriz ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Pantelis Pouliopoulos: Anadolu cephesinden Yunan kom\u00fcnist hareketinin ba\u015f\u0131na<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n simge isimlerinden biri Pantelis Pouliopoulos\u2019tur. Hen\u00fcz \u00e7ok gen\u00e7ken Anadolu cephesinde askerlik yapan Pouliopoulos, sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 kom\u00fcnist asker faaliyeti i\u00e7erisinde yer ald\u0131. 1922\u2019de sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 etkinlikleri nedeniyle tutukland\u0131; sava\u015f\u0131n sona ermesi ve Yunan asker\u00ee d\u00fczeninin \u00e7\u00f6kmesiyle serbest kald\u0131. Birka\u00e7 y\u0131l sonra Yunan kom\u00fcnist hareketinin en \u00f6nemli kadrolar\u0131ndan biri olacak ve KKE genel sekreterli\u011fine kadar y\u00fckselecekti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Pouliopoulos\u2019un hayat\u0131ndaki bu s\u00fcreklilik \u00f6nemlidir. Anadolu cephesi onun ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in yaln\u0131zca askerlik yap\u0131lan bir yer de\u011fildi; ayn\u0131 zamanda bir politik okuldu. Burada sava\u015f\u0131n ne oldu\u011funu yaln\u0131zca teorik bro\u015f\u00fcrlerden de\u011fil, maddi ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin i\u00e7inden \u00f6\u011frendiler. Emir verenle \u00f6len aras\u0131ndaki s\u0131n\u0131fsal mesafeyi, milliyet\u00e7i nutukla siperin ger\u00e7e\u011fi aras\u0131ndaki u\u00e7urumu ve y\u0131llard\u0131r askerde tutulan yoksul k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin \u00f6fkesini g\u00f6rd\u00fcler. Sava\u015ftan d\u00f6nd\u00fcklerinde ise bu deneyimi beraberlerinde getirdiler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Sava\u015ftan d\u00f6nen askerler ve \u201cEski Sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">1922\u2019de Yunan ordusu Anadolu\u2019dan \u00e7ekildi\u011finde sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 siyaset sona ermedi. Cephede olu\u015fan deneyim Yunanistan\u2019a geri d\u00f6nd\u00fc. Sava\u015f gazileri aras\u0131nda geli\u015fen \u201cEski Sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u201d hareketi bunun en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6rneklerinden biriydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n baz\u0131 \u00fclkelerinde eski asker \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 milliyet\u00e7i ve daha sonra fa\u015fist hareketlere insan kayna\u011f\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilinirken, Yunanistan\u2019\u0131n ilk sava\u015f gazileri hareketinde g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir kom\u00fcnist ve anti-militarist damar ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Eski Sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar \u00f6rg\u00fctleri 1922-1925 d\u00f6neminde kom\u00fcnist hareketle yak\u0131n ili\u015fki kurdu; sava\u015f ma\u011fdurlar\u0131, gaziler ve emek\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir dinamizm yaratt\u0131 ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir anti-militarist \u00e7izgi benimsedi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildir. Sava\u015f\u0131 ya\u015fayan insanlar sava\u015f hakk\u0131nda generallerden farkl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr. Bir general i\u00e7in cephe haritadaki \u00e7izgidir; asker i\u00e7in arkada\u015f\u0131n\u0131n par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015f bedenidir. Bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet i\u00e7in seferberlik say\u0131d\u0131r; emek\u00e7i i\u00e7in eve d\u00f6nemeyen y\u0131llard\u0131r. Burjuva siyaset\u00e7i \u201cmilli \u015feref\u201d derken sava\u015f gazisi eksik koluyla eve d\u00f6ner. Anadolu\u2019dan d\u00f6nen sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 askerlerin bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn sosyalist ve anti-militarist harekete y\u00f6nelmesi bu nedenle \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir. Sava\u015f onlara enternasyonalizmi yaln\u0131zca teorik olarak \u00f6\u011fretmemi\u015f, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin faturas\u0131n\u0131 bedenlerinde g\u00f6stermi\u015fti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">200 kom\u00fcnist ger\u00e7ekten \u0130nciralt\u0131\u2019nda kur\u015funa dizildi mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de bu tarihin neredeyse tamam\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerine \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f olan b\u00fcy\u00fck anlat\u0131ya gelindi\u011finde daha dikkatli olmak gerekiyor. Yayg\u0131n anlat\u0131ya g\u00f6re yakla\u015f\u0131k 200 sosyalist ya da kom\u00fcnist Yunan askeri Anadolu\u2019nun i\u015fgaline kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131, bir manifesto imzalad\u0131, Anadolu halk\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ld\u00fcrmeyeceklerini ilan etti, silah b\u0131rakmay\u0131 kabul etti, aylarca yarg\u0131land\u0131 ve sonunda 1 Ocak 1921\u2019de \u0130zmir \u0130nciralt\u0131\u2019nda kur\u015funa dizildi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Son derece etkileyici bir hik\u00e2ye olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen bug\u00fcn itibar\u0131yla elimizde 200 askerin bu \u015fekilde topluca infaz edildi\u011fini do\u011frulayan g\u00fcvenilir bir asker\u00ee mahkeme karar\u0131, isim listesi, birlik g\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f gazete kayd\u0131 veya d\u00f6nemin kom\u00fcnist kaynaklar\u0131ndan a\u00e7\u0131k bir belge bulunmuyor. Hik\u00e2yenin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemli d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktalar\u0131ndan biri Tu\u011frul Keskin\u2019in Zito i Epanastasis \/ Ya\u015fas\u0131n \u0130syan adl\u0131 \u015fiir kitab\u0131 ve ard\u0131ndan \u0130nciralt\u0131\u2019nda yap\u0131lan anmalar oldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Arif \u015eentek\u2019in anlat\u0131n\u0131n kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 inceledi\u011fi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma burada kritik \u00f6nemdedir. \u015eentek\u2019in aktard\u0131\u011f\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar, \u015fiir kitab\u0131ndaki \u201cmanifesto\u201dnun ger\u00e7ek bir tarihsel \u00e7ekirde\u011fi bulunabilece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fcr\u00fcyor; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc cephedeki kom\u00fcnist askerlerin sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 bildiriler yay\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7ekten biliniyor. Fakat bir bildirinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile bildiriyi imzalayan 200 ki\u015finin idam edilmesi ayn\u0131 \u015fey de\u011fildir. Foti Benlisoy\u2019un Yunan ordusundaki sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 hareketi geni\u015f ar\u015fiv malzemesi \u00fczerinden ara\u015ft\u0131ran \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda da 200 ki\u015filik toplu infaz\u0131n izi bulunmamakla birlikte bu nedenle kur\u015funa dizilenler var ama sayalar\u0131 bilinmemektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bunun tarih\u00e7ilik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fckt\u00fcr. Cephedeki kom\u00fcnistlerin gazetelerini, baz\u0131 isimlerini, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imlerini, tutuklanmalar\u0131n\u0131 ve sava\u015f sonras\u0131 faaliyetlerini izleyebiliyoruz. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k ayn\u0131 ordunun 200 askerini bir g\u00fcnde kur\u015funa dizdi\u011fine ili\u015fkin g\u00fcvenilir bir iz bulam\u0131yoruz. \u0130ki y\u00fcz ki\u015finin asker\u00ee mahkeme karar\u0131yla topluca infaz edilmesi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir olay de\u011fildir; Yunan ordusunun b\u00fct\u00fcn K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Asya Seferi tarihinin en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 i\u00e7 disiplin olaylar\u0131ndan biri olurdu. SEKE yay\u0131nlar\u0131nda, sonraki KKE tarih yaz\u0131m\u0131nda, sava\u015f gazilerinin an\u0131lar\u0131nda, asker\u00ee kay\u0131tlarda ve muhalif bas\u0131nda \u00e7ok say\u0131da iz b\u0131rakmas\u0131 beklenirdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu izlerin bulunmamas\u0131 matematiksel anlamda \u201ckesinlikle b\u00f6yle bir olay olmad\u0131\u201d kan\u0131t\u0131 de\u011fildir, fakat s\u00f6z konusu iddiay\u0131 kan\u0131tlanm\u0131\u015f tarihsel ger\u00e7ek gibi sunmam\u0131za da izin vermez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Solun kahramanl\u0131k efsanelerine ihtiyac\u0131 yok<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Burada mesele yaln\u0131zca tarih\u00e7ilik meselesi de\u011fildir; ayn\u0131 zamanda sol siyaset a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bir y\u00f6ntem ve ahlak sorunudur. Egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n tarih yaz\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 ele\u015ftiren sosyalistler, kendi ho\u015flar\u0131na giden hik\u00e2yeler s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda ayn\u0131 y\u00f6ntemi kullanamaz. Burjuva milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi \u201cBizim kahraman\u0131m\u0131z hakk\u0131nda anlat\u0131lan her \u015fey do\u011frudur\u201d diyorsa, sol da \u201cBizim devrimcimiz hakk\u0131nda anlat\u0131lan her \u015fey do\u011frudur\u201d diyemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Tarihsel materyalizm maddi olguyla ba\u015flar: ar\u015fivle, belgeyle, toplumsal ili\u015fkiyle, \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileriyle, s\u0131n\u0131flarla ve somut insanlarla. Bir olay politik olarak g\u00fczel oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in do\u011fru hale gelmez. \u00dcstelik burada efsaneye ger\u00e7ekten ihtiya\u00e7 yoktur, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc belgelenmi\u015f ger\u00e7ek zaten son derece g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Belki 200 ki\u015fi \u0130nciralt\u0131 sahilinde ayn\u0131 anda kur\u015funa dizilmedi. Ama Yunan ordusunda kom\u00fcnistlerin sava\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlendi\u011fi, asker h\u00fccreleri kurdu\u011fu, cephede yay\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131, sava\u015f\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131fsal niteli\u011fini tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131, firarilere yard\u0131m etti\u011fi, devlet bask\u0131s\u0131na u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131, tutukland\u0131\u011f\u0131, baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n vatana ihanetle su\u00e7land\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve sava\u015ftan d\u00f6nenlerin anti-militarist gaziler hareketinde \u00f6rg\u00fctlendi\u011fi ger\u00e7ektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bunlar\u0131n hangisi yeterince de\u011ferli de\u011fildir? Bir devrimci hareketin b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc mezarl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndaki insan say\u0131s\u0131yla de\u011fil, egemen ideolojinin en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc oldu\u011fu anda ona kar\u015f\u0131 \u00fcretebildi\u011fi bilin\u00e7le \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclmelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Kom\u00fcnistler Yunan yenilgisinin sorumlusu muydu?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">1922\u2019de cephe \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde tan\u0131d\u0131k bir mekanizma \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Her ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z sava\u015f\u0131n ard\u0131ndan egemenler bir \u201ci\u00e7 d\u00fc\u015fman\u201d arar. General ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, h\u00fck\u00fcmet yanl\u0131\u015f hesap yapmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, sava\u015f\u0131n stratejik \u00e7\u0131kmaz\u0131 yoktur, asker t\u00fckenmemi\u015ftir ve toplum yoksulla\u015fmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; sorun mutlaka i\u00e7erideki \u201chainler\u201ddir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Yunanistan\u2019da da kom\u00fcnistler ordunun moralini bozmak ve yenilgiyi haz\u0131rlamakla su\u00e7land\u0131. Philip Carabott\u2019un \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemli sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan biri, bu iddian\u0131n abart\u0131l\u0131 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermesidir. Kom\u00fcnistlerin sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 faaliyeti ger\u00e7ektir ve askerlerin sava\u015f iste\u011fini etkiledikleri b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle reddedilemez. Ancak SEKE o d\u00f6nemde k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve a\u011f\u0131r devlet bask\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda bulunan bir \u00f6rg\u00fctt\u00fc. Yunan ordusunun Anadolu\u2019daki yenilgisini kom\u00fcnist faaliyete ba\u011flamak, \u00e7ok daha b\u00fcy\u00fck asker\u00ee, siyasal ve toplumsal nedenleri gizlemek anlam\u0131na gelir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Burada s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir mekanizma i\u015fliyordu: sava\u015f\u0131 ba\u015flatanlar yukar\u0131dayd\u0131, su\u00e7lananlar a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da. Karar\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmet vermi\u015f, bedeli asker \u00f6demi\u015fti. Sonra da neden \u00f6lmek istemedi\u011fi i\u00e7in askere hesap soruluyordu. Bu, sava\u015f rejimlerinin tan\u0131d\u0131k ahlak\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Siperin iki taraf\u0131nda kim vard\u0131?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Enternasyonalizmin soyut bir slogan olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in siperin iki taraf\u0131ndaki insanlar\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek yeterlidir. Bir tarafta Anadolu\u2019nun k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fc, di\u011fer tarafta Yunanistan\u2019\u0131n k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fc vard\u0131r. Birinin dili T\u00fcrk\u00e7e, di\u011ferinin Yunancad\u0131r; birinin cebinde ba\u015fka devletin kimli\u011fi, \u00f6tekinin \u00fcniformas\u0131nda ba\u015fka bayrak vard\u0131r. Fakat ikisi de yoksul olabilir, ikisi de hayat\u0131n\u0131 eme\u011fiyle s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyor olabilir, ikisinin de geride bekleyen bir ailesi vard\u0131r ve ikisinin de bedenini devlet sava\u015f meydan\u0131na s\u00fcrmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k kendi \u00fclkesindeki b\u00fcy\u00fck sermaye sahibiyle aras\u0131ndaki toplumsal mesafe, kar\u015f\u0131 siperdeki yoksulla aras\u0131ndaki mesafeden \u00e7ok daha b\u00fcy\u00fck olabilir. Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin tarihsel mucizesi bu maddi ger\u00e7e\u011fi tersine \u00e7evirebilmesidir. Sana kendi fabrikat\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn senin karde\u015fin, kar\u015f\u0131daki i\u015f\u00e7inin ise d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler; kendi bankerin senin milletindendir, kar\u015f\u0131daki k\u00f6yl\u00fc ise yabanc\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Sosyalist enternasyonalizmin yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fey bu ideolojik b\u00fcy\u00fcy\u00fc par\u00e7alamakt\u0131r. \u201c\u0130\u015f\u00e7inin vatan\u0131 yoktur\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fc, insan\u0131n do\u011fdu\u011fu yere ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k duymamas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmez. \u0130\u015f\u00e7inin kapitalist devletler aras\u0131ndaki rekabette kendi s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 otomatik olarak kendi \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 saymamas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelir. Anadolu cephesindeki Yunan kom\u00fcnistlerinin tarihsel de\u011feri de burada yat\u0131yor: onlar \u201cT\u00fcrk olduk\u201d demediler; Yunan burjuvazisinin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131n Yunan i\u015f\u00e7isinin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131yla ayn\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar. Bu, milliyet\u00e7i akl\u0131n kavrayabilece\u011finden \u00e7ok daha radikal bir kopu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Anadolu\u2019nun b\u00fct\u00fcn halklar\u0131n\u0131n trajedisi<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu s\u0131n\u0131fsal bak\u0131\u015f, sava\u015f\u0131n ulusal ve etnik felaketlerini g\u00f6rmezden gelmek anlam\u0131na gelmez. Tam tersine, 1919-1922 sava\u015f\u0131 T\u00fcrk ve Rum sivillerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra Anadolu\u2019nun ba\u015fka topluluklar\u0131n\u0131 da i\u00e7ine alan a\u011f\u0131r bir \u015fiddet, zorunlu g\u00f6\u00e7, y\u0131k\u0131m ve kitlesel travma d\u00f6neminin par\u00e7as\u0131yd\u0131. Yunan ordusunun yenilgisinin ard\u0131ndan y\u00fcz binlerce Anadolu Rumu a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da s\u00fcrg\u00fcn, g\u00f6\u00e7 ve k\u00f6klerinden kopu\u015f ya\u015fand\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Sosyalist bir tarih bu ac\u0131lar\u0131 birbirine kar\u015f\u0131 yar\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmaz. \u201cBizim \u00f6l\u00fclerimiz sizin \u00f6l\u00fclerinizden de\u011ferlidir\u201d demez ve bir halk\u0131n ac\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015fka halk\u0131n ac\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ink\u00e2r etmek i\u00e7in kullanmaz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sava\u015f\u0131n milliyet\u00e7i haf\u0131zas\u0131 mezarl\u0131klar\u0131 bile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getirirken, s\u0131n\u0131f siyaseti ba\u015fka bir soru sorar: Bu insanlar\u0131n birbirini \u00f6ld\u00fcrmek zorunda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarihsel d\u00fczen nas\u0131l \u00fcretildi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Yunan kom\u00fcnist askerlerinin sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bug\u00fcn h\u00e2l\u00e2 anlaml\u0131 yapan \u015fey de budur. Onlar hen\u00fcz sava\u015f s\u00fcrerken, ulusal nefretin ortas\u0131nda bu sorunun kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 aralam\u0131\u015flard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Enternasyonalizm, \u00f6nce kendi egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 s\u0131nan\u0131r<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerin milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini ele\u015ftirmek, ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerin militarizmini k\u0131namak ve ba\u015fka \u00fclkenin devletine \u201cemperyalist\u201d demek kolayd\u0131r. Ger\u00e7ek enternasyonalizm daha zordur; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00f6nce kendi devletinin propagandas\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kmay\u0131, kendi egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 sorgulamay\u0131, kendi bayra\u011f\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131nda i\u015flenen haks\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131 g\u00f6rebilmeyi ve kendi toplumunda \u201chain\u201d denme riskini g\u00f6ze almay\u0131 gerektirir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu nedenle Yunan kom\u00fcnistlerinin Anadolu seferine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan de\u011ferli yapan \u015fey, \u201cT\u00fcrkleri desteklemi\u015f olmalar\u0131\u201d de\u011fildir. Onlar\u0131 tarihsel olarak anlaml\u0131 k\u0131lan, kendi devletlerinin sava\u015f\u0131na kendi toplumlar\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7erisinden kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmalar\u0131d\u0131r. Enternasyonalizmin \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc budur. Bir T\u00fcrk sosyalist i\u00e7in de, bir Yunan sosyalist i\u00e7in de, ba\u015fka bir \u00fclkenin sosyalisti i\u00e7in de ayn\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fc ge\u00e7erlidir: \u00f6teki devletin su\u00e7unu g\u00f6rmekle yetinmemek, kendi egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 ile kendi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki fark\u0131 g\u00f6rebilmek.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Tam da bu noktada 1914\u2019te II. Enternasyonal i\u00e7erisinde ya\u015fanan tarihsel ayr\u0131l\u0131k yeniden kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kar. Lenin\u2019in \u201ckendi\u201d \u015fovenizmine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi sosyalistlerin ilk g\u00f6revlerinden biri saymas\u0131yla, Luxemburg\u2019un Alman sosyal demokrasisinin sava\u015f kredileri ve s\u0131n\u0131f bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 politikas\u0131n\u0131 mahk\u00fbm etmesi ayn\u0131 temel soruyu g\u00fcndeme getiriyordu: \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kriz an\u0131nda burjuvazinin \u201cmilli birlik\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7inde eriyecek mi, yoksa ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z s\u0131n\u0131f siyasetini koruyacak m\u0131? Anadolu cephesindeki Yunan kom\u00fcnistlerinin \u00f6n\u00fcnde de birka\u00e7 y\u0131l sonra ayn\u0131 soru, bu kez \u00e7ok somut bi\u00e7imde duruyordu. D\u00fcn Alman i\u015f\u00e7isinden Frans\u0131z ya da Rus i\u015f\u00e7isine ate\u015f etmesi istenmi\u015fti; \u015fimdi Yunan i\u015f\u00e7isinin ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn eline silah verilerek Anadolu\u2019nun emek\u00e7ilerine kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fmas\u0131 isteniyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu nedenle Yunan kom\u00fcnistlerinin sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaln\u0131zca iki halk aras\u0131ndaki dostlu\u011fun g\u00fczel bir \u00f6rne\u011fi de\u011fildir. Ayn\u0131 zamanda II. Enternasyonal\u2019in 1914\u2019te \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc noktada yeniden y\u00fckselen temel sosyalist ilkenin ifadesidir: \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu, kendi egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n zaferine ba\u011flanamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Belki \u0130nciralt\u0131\u2019nda dendi\u011fi gibi 200 mezar yok; orada kur\u015funa dizilenlerin say\u0131s\u0131 belgeli olarak net olarak bilinmiyor, ama burada \u00f6nemli olan say\u0131 de\u011fildir, ortada daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir miras var.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Elimizde ba\u015fka bir tarih var; daha karma\u015f\u0131k, daha az sinematik ama daha ger\u00e7ek bir tarih. Bir gecede ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmayan politik bilin\u00e7, parti i\u00e7indeki tart\u0131\u015fmalar, korkular, teredd\u00fctler, sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 gazeteler, gizli \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeler, firar eden askerler, mahkemeler, hapishaneler, kur\u015funa dizilenler ve y\u0131llarca cephede tutulmu\u015f yoksullar var. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131n i\u00e7erisinden a\u011f\u0131r a\u011f\u0131r ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce de var: Bu sava\u015f bizim sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131z de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Egemenler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan as\u0131l tehlikeli c\u00fcmle budur. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bir asker bunu s\u00f6yledi\u011fi anda devlet yaln\u0131zca bir t\u00fcfek kaybetmez; itaat eden insan, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen insana d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Sonu\u00e7: \u201cBu sizin sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131z, bizim de\u011fil\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Y\u00fcz y\u0131l sonra Anadolu seferindeki Yunan kom\u00fcnistlerini hat\u0131rlamak istiyorsak onlar\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin tarihinde birka\u00e7 \u201ciyi Yunan\u201d eklemek i\u00e7in hat\u0131rlamayal\u0131m. Bu, onlar\u0131n siyasal miras\u0131n\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclt\u00fcr. Onlar\u0131 milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin iki halk\u0131 birbirine d\u00fc\u015fman etti\u011fi bir tarihsel anda s\u0131n\u0131f karde\u015fli\u011finin, anti-militarizmin, enternasyonalizmin ve sava\u015f\u0131n me\u015fruiyetini sorgulama cesaretinin temsilcileri olarak hat\u0131rlamak daha anlaml\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Onlar\u0131n hik\u00e2yesinin bize b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorular bug\u00fcn de yak\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r: Bir i\u015f\u00e7i neden ba\u015fka bir i\u015f\u00e7iyi \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcr? Bir k\u00f6yl\u00fc neden ba\u015fka bir k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn topra\u011f\u0131nda can verir? Sava\u015f karar\u0131n\u0131 kim verir, sava\u015f borcunu kim \u00f6der, cepheye kim gider, kim eve d\u00f6nemez, kim yoksulla\u015f\u0131r ve kim sava\u015f\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yeni pazarlardan kazan\u00e7 sa\u011flar? Neden b\u00fct\u00fcn bu sorular\u0131n \u00fczeri tek bir kelimeyle, \u201cvatan\u201d s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcyle \u00f6rt\u00fclmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131r?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Elbette insanlar\u0131n bir memleketi, dili, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc ve haf\u0131zas\u0131 vard\u0131r. Bir topra\u011fa, bir \u015fehre, bir denize ya da bir soka\u011fa ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k duyabilirler. Sosyalizm insan\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlardan vazge\u00e7mesini istemez. Fakat hi\u00e7bir bayra\u011f\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7inin kendi zincirini sevmesini gerektirmedi\u011fini, hi\u00e7bir milli idealin yoksulun ba\u015fka bir yoksulu \u00f6ld\u00fcrmesini kendili\u011finden hakl\u0131 k\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve hi\u00e7bir devletin kendi egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 sonsuza kadar halk\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 diye sunamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">1 Ocak 1921\u2019de \u0130nciralt\u0131 sahilinde yan yana dizilen kom\u00fcnist askerlerin ka\u00e7 ki\u015fi oldu\u011fu bilinmese de sorun say\u0131lar de\u011fil, tav\u0131r ve duru\u015ftur. Fakat Anadolu\u2019da ba\u015fka bir \u015fey kesinlikle vard\u0131: Yunan ordusunun i\u00e7erisinde kendisine \u00f6\u011fretilen \u201cd\u00fc\u015fman\u201d fikrini sorgulayan insanlar, sava\u015f\u0131n ard\u0131ndaki s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkilerini g\u00f6rmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan sosyalistler, siperlerde gazete \u00e7\u0131karan kom\u00fcnistler, firar edenlere yard\u0131m eden \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00e7\u00fcler, hapse girmeyi g\u00f6ze alan militanlar ve sava\u015ftan d\u00f6nd\u00fckten sonra militarizme kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye devam eden eski askerler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Onlar\u0131n tarihini anlatmak i\u00e7in efsaneye ihtiyac\u0131m\u0131z yok. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ger\u00e7ek m\u00fccadele zaten yeterince b\u00fcy\u00fck. Belki bug\u00fcn ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fumuz \u015fey de kahramanl\u0131k hik\u00e2yelerinden \u00e7ok, onlar\u0131n sordu\u011fu o basit ve tehlikeli soruyu yeniden sormakt\u0131r: Bizi birbirimize d\u00fc\u015fman eden kim?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">1914\u2019te Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n sosyal demokrat \u00e7o\u011funluklar\u0131 bu soruya kendi burjuvazilerinin bayraklar\u0131 alt\u0131nda cevap vermi\u015f ve II. Enternasyonal par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Lenin, Luxemburg, Liebknecht ve ba\u015fka enternasyonalistlerin itiraz\u0131 ise sonraki devrimci ku\u015fa\u011fa ba\u015fka bir miras b\u0131rakt\u0131: \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, kendi egemenlerinin sava\u015f\u0131nda ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z siyasal varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan vazge\u00e7memelidir. Yunan kom\u00fcnist askerlerin Anadolu\u2019da a\u00e7t\u0131klar\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck gedik de bu uzun enternasyonalist gelene\u011fin bir par\u00e7as\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Siperin iki taraf\u0131ndaki yoksullar bu sorunun cevab\u0131n\u0131 bir g\u00fcn birlikte verdi\u011finde, yaln\u0131zca bir sava\u015f de\u011fil, sava\u015flar\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan d\u00fcnya da de\u011fi\u015fmeye ba\u015flayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu sizin sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131z. Bizim de\u011fil.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Kaynak notu<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Makalenin tarihsel omurgas\u0131nda Philip Carabott\u2019un 1992 tarihli <em>The Greek \u201cCommunists\u201d and the Asia Minor Campaign<\/em> (<em>Yunan \u201cKom\u00fcnistleri\u201d ve K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Asya Seferi<\/em>) \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ile Nikos Potamianos\u2019un <em>Internationalism and the Emergence of Communist Politics in Greece, 1912\u20131924<\/em> (<em>Yunanistan\u2019da Enternasyonalizm ve Kom\u00fcnist Siyasetin Ortaya \u00c7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131, 1912\u20131924<\/em>) ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131 temel kaynaklar aras\u0131ndad\u0131r. Carabott, SEKE\u2019nin ilk d\u00f6nemindeki teredd\u00fctleri, cephedeki kom\u00fcnist faaliyetleri ve kom\u00fcnistlerin Yunan yenilgisinin ba\u015fl\u0131ca nedeni oldu\u011fu y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki sonraki su\u00e7lamalar\u0131 inceler. Potamianos ise Yunan sosyalist hareketindeki anti-militarist ve anti-milliyet\u00e7i d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc, Rus Devrimi\u2019nin etkisi ve uzun sava\u015f d\u00f6neminin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumsal ho\u015fnutsuzluk ba\u011flam\u0131nda ele al\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">II. Enternasyonal\u2019in Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kriz i\u00e7in 1912 Basel Kongresi, A\u011fustos 1914\u2019te sosyalist partilerin sava\u015f kredilerine verdikleri destek ve 1915 Zimmerwald Konferans\u0131 birlikte ele al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r. <em>1914-1918 Online: International Encyclopedia of the First World War<\/em> (<em>1914-1918 \u00c7evrimi\u00e7i: Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 Uluslararas\u0131 Ansiklopedisi<\/em>), sava\u015f\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131nda sosyalist partilerin \u00e7o\u011funun kendi h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin sava\u015f \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131 desteklemesinin Enternasyonal\u2019de derin bir k\u0131r\u0131lmaya yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; Zimmerwald hareketinin ise sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 sosyalistleri yeniden bir araya getirdi\u011fini g\u00f6sterir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Lenin\u2019in 1914-1916 aras\u0131ndaki sava\u015f yaz\u0131lar\u0131, \u00f6zellikle <em>The Tasks of Revolutionary Social-Democracy in the European War<\/em> (<em>Avrupa Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019nda Devrimci Sosyal-Demokrasinin G\u00f6revleri<\/em>), <em>The Collapse of the Second International<\/em> (<em>\u0130kinci Enternasyonal\u2019in \u00c7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc<\/em>) ve <em>Opportunism and the Collapse of the Second International<\/em> (<em>Oport\u00fcnizm ve \u0130kinci Enternasyonal\u2019in \u00c7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc<\/em>), kendi burjuvazisinin sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 destekleyen sosyalist ak\u0131mlara y\u00f6nelik \u201csosyal-\u015fovenizm\u201d ele\u015ftirisinin teorik temelini olu\u015fturur. Rosa Luxemburg\u2019un hapishanede kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve daha sonra <em>Junius Bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fc<\/em> ad\u0131yla yay\u0131mlanan <em>The Crisis of German Social Democracy<\/em> (<em>Alman Sosyal Demokrasisinin Krizi<\/em>) ise SPD\u2019nin \u2014 <em>Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands<\/em> (<em>Almanya Sosyal Demokrat Partisi<\/em>) \u2014 sava\u015f kredilerine verdi\u011fi deste\u011fi ve sava\u015f s\u00fcresince s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin ask\u0131ya al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 sosyalist enternasyonalizmin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ele al\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de yayg\u0131nla\u015fan \u201c\u0130nciralt\u0131\u2019nda 200 kom\u00fcnist asker\u201d anlat\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n kaynak zincirine y\u00f6nelik \u00f6nemli T\u00fcrk\u00e7e incelemelerden biri Arif \u015eentek\u2019in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Bu Sava\u015f Bizim De\u011fil Anadolu Seferi\u2019nde Yunan&#46;&#46;&#46;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":10518,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7,29],"tags":[],"manset":[],"bilesen":[],"class_list":["post-10517","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-makaleler","category-manset"],"amp_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10517","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=10517"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10517\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10519,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10517\/revisions\/10519"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10518"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10517"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=10517"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=10517"},{"taxonomy":"manset","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/manset?post=10517"},{"taxonomy":"bilesen","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/bilesen?post=10517"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}