Fa\u015fizm \u00e7ok g\u00fcncel gene; ama teorik a\u00e7\u0131dan netameli bir konudur. Bir dizi nedeni var bunun. Birincisi, her fa\u015fist iktidar o \u00fclkenin \u00f6zg\u00fcl nesnel \u015fartlar\u0131 \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselir ve bunlardan birinin veya bir b\u00f6l\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn niteliklerinin genelle\u015ftirilmesi de farkl\u0131 fa\u015fizm kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131na yol a\u00e7ar. \u0130kincisi, en genel nitelikler s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda bile emperyalist \u00fclkelerde fa\u015fizmler ile s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00fclkelerde fa\u015fizmler aras\u0131nda yap\u0131sal farkl\u0131l\u0131klar vard\u0131r. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, kanl\u0131 bir rejim olarak fa\u015fizmin g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcleri s\u0131k s\u0131k onun ger\u00e7ek muhtevas\u0131n\u0131n yerine konulur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
A\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki yaz\u0131 birinci ve ikinci noktalar\u0131 d\u0131\u015flamamakla birlikte meseleye esas itibariyle \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc noktadan bak\u0131yor. G\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcy\u00fc muhtevan\u0131n yerine koyan fa\u015fizm teorileri sadece yanl\u0131\u015f de\u011fil ayn\u0131 zamanda siyasi a\u00e7\u0131dan da tehlikelidir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc yanl\u0131\u015f bir siyasi hedef g\u00f6sterir bunlar ve bu yanl\u0131\u015f \u00e7o\u011fu zaman fa\u015fizmlere koltuk de\u011fne\u011fi olmakla sonu\u00e7lan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Mesela, ABD se\u00e7imleri yakla\u015f\u0131rken solda giderek yayg\u0131nl\u0131k kazanan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler genellikle \u015fu \u00e7er\u00e7evede: Trump\u2019\u0131n y\u00fckseli\u015fi fa\u015fizmin y\u00fckseli\u015fi demektir; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc darkafal\u0131 ve sa\u011fc\u0131 ta\u015fral\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta burjuvazinin istikrarl\u0131 deste\u011finden yararlan\u0131yor; bu kesimler tabiatlar\u0131 itibariyle \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131d\u0131r\u201d; onlar\u0131n deste\u011fi kendisi de a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131 olan Trump\u2019a siyasi me\u015fruiyet sa\u011fl\u0131yor ve tekrar ba\u015fkan se\u00e7ilmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engelleri kald\u0131r\u0131yor. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fe g\u00f6re Trump\u2019\u0131n ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ABD\u2019de fa\u015fistle\u015fme s\u00fcreci anlam\u0131na gelir; bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 ona siyasi g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc veren kesimlerin (Senato bask\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fclen) bir t\u00fcr \u201ckara g\u00f6mlekliler\u201d \u00f6rg\u00fctleme s\u00fcreciyle paralel y\u00fcr\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f, sadece ABD\u2019de de\u011fil b\u00fct\u00fcn bat\u0131 \u00fclkelerinde \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fa\u201d kar\u015f\u0131 sol ad\u0131na \u201cliberallerin\u201d desteklenmesine yol a\u00e7\u0131yor: ABD\u2019den Fransa\u2019ya, Almanya\u2019dan Hollanda\u2019ya kadar b\u00f6yle. AfP\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 Ye\u015filler, Wilders\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 Rutte, Le Pen\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 Macron, vb. \u0130lk grup bir defa fa\u015fist ilan edilince ikinci grup ister istemez fa\u015fizmin y\u00fckseli\u015fine kar\u015f\u0131 can simidi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Burada \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131l\u0131k\u201d milliyet\u00e7ilikle ili\u015fkilendiriliyor. Bu b\u00fcsb\u00fct\u00fcn yanl\u0131\u015f say\u0131lmaz, ama b\u00fcsb\u00fct\u00fcn yanl\u0131\u015f olmayan her \u015feyde oldu\u011fu gibi asl\u0131nda yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc ana halkay\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcde ar\u0131yor. Say\u0131lan bu hareketlerin milliyet\u00e7i ve hatta yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 olduklar\u0131na \u015f\u00fcphe yok, sa\u011fc\u0131 ve hatta \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131\u201d olduklar\u0131na da \u015f\u00fcphe yok. Ama milliyet\u00e7i olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in de\u011fil, sa\u011fc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve solculu\u011fu tartmak i\u00e7in tek ger\u00e7ek teraziye, antiemperyalizm ve antifa\u015fizmin terazisine vurulduklar\u0131nda emperyalizmden (ve fa\u015fizmden) yana olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in sa\u011fc\u0131lar bunlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Milliyet\u00e7ilik sa\u011fc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fclerindendir, ama sa\u011fc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n kendisi de\u011fildir. Milliyet\u00e7ilikler 20\u2019nci y\u00fczy\u0131l tarihi boyunca gerici oldu\u011fu kadar ilerici rol de oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; dahas\u0131, antiemperyalist m\u00fccadeleler tarihi bir anlamda milliyet\u00e7iliklerin tarihidir. E\u011fer sa\u011fc\u0131l\u0131k tan\u0131m\u0131 tek bir niteli\u011fe: milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131rsa milliyet\u00e7i olmayan birinin pek\u00e2l\u00e2 solcu oldu\u011fu da ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclebilir. Oysa do\u011fru de\u011fildir bu; liberaller ne milliyet\u00e7i ne yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131d\u0131rlar ama bu kavram\u0131n en saf anlam\u0131yla kat\u0131ks\u0131z sa\u011fc\u0131d\u0131rlar. Milliyet\u00e7ilik ancak mali sermayeyle ili\u015fkilendirildi\u011finde fa\u015fizmin bir g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcs\u00fc olarak tan\u0131mlanabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Fa\u015fizm zulm\u00fcn belli bir limiti a\u015fma hali de\u011fildir (b\u00f6yle meselelerde \u201cbelli\u201d diye tan\u0131mlanan her \u015fey belirsizi gizlemek i\u00e7indir; \u201cbelli bir limit\u201d tamamen belirsiz, keyfi, s\u00fcbjektif bir tasar\u0131md\u0131r zaten). Yani mesela \u015f\u00f6yle tan\u0131mlanamaz fa\u015fizm: bir \u00fclke halk\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fczde \u015fu kadar\u0131 siyasi iktidar taraf\u0131ndan takibat alt\u0131nda tutulur, y\u00fczde \u015fu kadar\u0131 \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr veya hapsedilirse o \u00fclkede fa\u015fizm var demektir. Bu, g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcn\u00fcn muhtevan\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na konulmas\u0131d\u0131r. Fa\u015fizm k\u0131y\u0131c\u0131 bir rejimdir, ama ba\u015fka k\u0131y\u0131c\u0131 rejimler de vard\u0131r ve baz\u0131 tarihi kesitlerde bunlardan kimisinin kurbanlar\u0131n\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 itibariyle fa\u015fizme rahmet okuttu\u011fu bile olur. Avrupa\u2019da cad\u0131 av\u0131 50 binin \u00fczerinde kurbana mal olmu\u015ftur; say\u0131lar\u0131 145 milyonu bulan Amerika k\u0131talar\u0131 yerlilerinin y\u00fczde 90-95 kadar\u0131 sadece iki y\u00fczy\u0131l i\u00e7inde yok edilmi\u015ftir; Roma Kartaca\u2019y\u0131 yery\u00fcz\u00fcnden silmi\u015f ve \u00f6ld\u00fcrmediklerini k\u00f6lele\u015ftirmi\u015ftir; ama bunlar\u0131n hi\u00e7biri fa\u015fizm de\u011fildir. Fa\u015fizm b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle moderndir ve k\u0131y\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k ancak mali sermayeyle ili\u015fkilendirildi\u011finde fa\u015fizmin bir g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcs\u00fc olarak tan\u0131mlanabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Veya fa\u015fizm muhtelif kimliklerin bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131ndan ibaret de de\u011fildir; beli bir veya bir grup etnik, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, cinsel kimli\u011fin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 fa\u015fizm demek de\u011fildir. En az\u0131l\u0131 bi\u00e7imiyle \u015fovenizmler bile kendi ba\u015f\u0131na fa\u015fizm de\u011fildir. Aksi takdirde bu bir kez daha g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcn\u00fcn muhtevan\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na konulmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. G\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fc, bast\u0131r\u0131lan belli bir kesimdir, g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcde bast\u0131r\u0131lan grubun niteli\u011fi (enik, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, cinsel bir az\u0131nl\u0131k vb.) \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar; muhteva ise bast\u0131rma eyleminin kendisidir. Neden bast\u0131r\u0131l\u0131yor ve kimin de\u011firmenine su ta\u015f\u0131yor? E\u011fer emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda bast\u0131r\u0131lan grubun niteli\u011fi ancak tali bir \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yor, bast\u0131rma eylemi ise halk s\u0131n\u0131f ve tabakalar\u0131 i\u00e7inde d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131klar yaratmak, antagonistik s\u0131n\u0131f farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 belirsizle\u015ftirmek, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fczle\u015ftirmek ve amorfla\u015ft\u0131rmak hedefini g\u00fcd\u00fcyorsa, bu, bast\u0131rma eyleminin mali sermayenin de\u011firmenine su ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131 demektir ve ancak o zaman fa\u015fizmin bir g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcs\u00fc olarak tan\u0131mlanabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Veya fa\u015fizm, \u201cyeniye\u201d kar\u015f\u0131 \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r\u0131n\u201d kendini dayatmas\u0131 da de\u011fildir; bunlar da belirsiz, kerameti kendinden menkul kavramlard\u0131r. \u201cYeni\u201d her zaman iyi anlam\u0131na gelmez. Burada \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yan \u015fudur: fa\u015fizmler bug\u00fcne kadar hep eskiyi (eskinin bir bi\u00e7imini: genellikle \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc\u201d olunan, \u201ccihan h\u00e2kimiyeti mefk\u00fbresinin\u201d do\u011fdu\u011fu kadim zamanlar\u0131, ge\u00e7mi\u015f \u201casr-\u0131 saadetleri\u201d vb.) vazettiler. Bunun k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazinin varolu\u015f krizi ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortamlarda son derece i\u015flevsel demagojik bir rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131na ku\u015fku yoktur. Ama fa\u015fizmlerde g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcn\u00fcn muhtevan\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne konulmas\u0131 tehlikesi bir kez daha kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kar burada: g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fc, gelenekselcilik; muhteva, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazinin varolu\u015f krizi. Bu varolu\u015f krizine kar\u015f\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvaziyi tahkim etmek amac\u0131yla kullan\u0131lan bir ideolojik formdur sadece gelenekselcilik. Bu form mali sermayenin de\u011firmenine su ta\u015f\u0131yorsa, i\u015fte ancak o zaman fa\u015fizmin bir g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcs\u00fc olarak tan\u0131mlanabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
B\u00fct\u00fcn marksist hareketler birbirleriyle kanl\u0131 b\u0131\u00e7akl\u0131 olduklar\u0131 d\u00f6nemlerde bile fa\u015fizmin iki temel niteli\u011fini \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131rlar: 1) mali sermayeyle ili\u015fkisi; 2) k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvaziyle ili\u015fkisi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Temel teorik problem fa\u015fizmin birden fazla y\u00fcz\u00fc olu\u015fundad\u0131r. Fa\u015fizm bir anda iktidara gelmez; ilkin fa\u015fist hareketler olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Bir fa\u015fist hareket b\u00fct\u00fcn siyasi hareketler gibi kitle hareketidir; onun y\u00fckseli\u015finin arkas\u0131ndaki neden k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazinin varolu\u015f krizidir. Varolu\u015f krizi, sadece iktisadi krizin neden oldu\u011fu bir fiziki varolu\u015f krizi (k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta burjuvazinin k\u00fctlesel m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirilmesi) de\u011fil, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ideolojik bir krizdir: sosyal alt\u00fcst olu\u015f b\u00fct\u00fcn eski ideolojik \u201cparadigmalar\u0131\u201d y\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fckburjuvazi \u015fimdi kendisi i\u00e7in yeni \u201cparadigmalar\u201d aray\u0131\u015f\u0131ndad\u0131r. Klasik fa\u015fizmlerde devr-i saadet \u00f6zlemi, \u015fovenizmin y\u00fckseli\u015fi, \u015fiddet feti\u015fizmi, geleneksel s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkilerinin yerine milli d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131klar\u0131n ge\u00e7irilmesi bunun sonucudur. Bu, Poulantzas\u2019\u0131n d\u00f6nemlendirmesini takip edersek, birinci d\u00f6nemdir: \u201cs\u00fcrecin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131ndan d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fs\u00fczl\u00fck noktas\u0131na kadar olan d\u00f6nem\u201d. D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fs\u00fczl\u00fck noktas\u0131ndan iktidara gelinceye kadar olan d\u00f6nem onu takip eder; sonra da iktidarda iki d\u00f6neme ayr\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Klasik fa\u015fizmlerin de\u011ferlendirilmesinde solda h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u00e7ok yayg\u0131n olan, ama kesin olarak yanl\u0131\u015flanm\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f \u015fudur: fa\u015fizm, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n iktidar m\u00fccadelesi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda devrim ve kar\u015f\u0131devrim ikileminin sonucu olarak, emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n m\u00fccadelesini bast\u0131rmak i\u00e7in iktidara geldi. Do\u011fru de\u011fildir bu; fa\u015fizm devrimin kesin yenilgisinden \u00e7ok sonra, burjuvazinin iktidar\u0131n\u0131n peki\u015fmesinden \u00e7ok sonra, ama burjuvazinin iki temel fraksiyonunun: sanayi sermayesiyle banka sermayesinin \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 sonucunda iktidara gelmi\u015ftir ve bu iktidara geli\u015f s\u00fcrecinde, \u201cikinci d\u00f6nemde\u201d, emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n muhalefeti tali bir \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu muhalefet art\u0131k \u00f6nemsizdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Burada daha da \u00f6nemli olan \u015fey \u015fudur: birinci d\u00f6nemin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva sa\u011fc\u0131 hareketi e\u011fer b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazi taraf\u0131ndan finanse edilmiyor, desteklenmiyorsa, e\u011fer sadece bir k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva sa\u011fc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ibaretse fa\u015fist de\u011fildir veya hen\u00fcz de\u011fildir. G\u00fcnl\u00fck jargonda b\u00fct\u00fcn k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva sa\u011fc\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n fa\u015fist say\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131na s\u0131k\u00e7a rastlan\u0131r, ama siyasi m\u00fccadelede aradaki fark tayin edici olabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Klasik fa\u015fizmlerde ona damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran \u015fey, bu \u00fclkelerde sanayi sermayesi ile banka sermayesi aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmad\u0131r; bu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n banka sermayesi yarar\u0131na \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc s\u00fcreci k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva sa\u011fc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fckseli\u015fi s\u00fcreciyle i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7ti\u011fi i\u00e7in \u201cd\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fs\u00fczl\u00fck noktas\u0131\u201d a\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, fa\u015fist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fckler ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Fa\u015fizm milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin, bask\u0131n\u0131n, milli-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131klar\u0131n, muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n belli (yani belirsiz) bir limiti a\u015fmas\u0131 de\u011fildir. Bunlar g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcd\u00fcr, ama muhteva de\u011fildir. Muhteva emperyalist yay\u0131lmac\u0131l\u0131kt\u0131r ve milliyet\u00e7ilik ancak bunun g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcs\u00fcd\u00fcr. Fa\u015fizm hukuksuz k\u0131y\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k de\u011fildir. K\u0131y\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcd\u00fcr; onu ba\u015fka k\u0131y\u0131c\u0131l\u0131klardan ay\u0131rt eden muhtevas\u0131 ise mali sermayenin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131yla \u00e7ak\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ve ileride do\u011frudan do\u011fruya onun eylemlerinin sonucu haline gelmesidir. Fa\u015fizm belli bir etnik, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel veya cinsel kimli\u011fin \u201ctek\u00e7ilik\u201d ad\u0131na bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 da de\u011fil. Bast\u0131r\u0131lan\u0131n ne oldu\u011fu bir g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcd\u00fcr; ama fa\u015fizmin muhtevas\u0131 bast\u0131rma eyleminin kendisidir; bast\u0131rman\u0131n emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 atomize etmek, bo\u011fmak, amorfla\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in yap\u0131l\u0131yor olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Fa\u015fizm muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f de\u011fildir. Muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcd\u00fcr, muhteva ise k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazinin varolu\u015f krizidir ve bu, klasik fa\u015fizmlerin ilk d\u00f6nemini niteler. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, klasik fa\u015fizmlerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131nda burjuva fraksiyonlar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarla \u00e7ak\u0131\u015f\u0131r; \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n bir taraf\u0131nda esas itibariyle sanayi sermayesi, di\u011fer taraf\u0131nda esas itibariyle banka sermayesi vard\u0131r ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma, her hal\u00fck\u00e2rda, banka sermayesinin zaferi ve bu sermaye gruplar\u0131n\u0131n kayna\u015fmas\u0131yla sonu\u00e7lan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
S\u00fcre\u00e7 bug\u00fcn karma\u015f\u0131kla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ku\u015fkusuz; (Erman \u00c7ete\u2019nin deyi\u015fiyle) \u201chem finansal hem de end\u00fcstriyel holdingler, art\u0131k non-financial kurumlar\u0131n etraf\u0131nda yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u201d \u2014 ancak bu, emperyalist sistemin niteli\u011finin de\u011fi\u015fti\u011fi de\u011fil, teoride idealize edilen bi\u00e7imine daha \u00e7ok yak\u0131nsad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
G\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcler de\u011fi\u015febilir, ama nitelik de\u011fi\u015fmez. Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin yerine tamamen ba\u015fka bir \u015fey, mesela din veya kozmopolitizm ge\u00e7ebilir; k\u0131y\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k k\u00f6r bir \u015fiddet sarmal\u0131 yerine gayet hukuki bi\u00e7imler kazanabilir; s\u0131n\u0131f ba\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 amorfla\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in ille de \u201ctek\u00e7ilik\u201d gerekmez, bast\u0131rma eylemi pek\u00e2l\u00e2 \u201c\u00e7o\u011fulculuk\u201d ad\u0131na da yap\u0131labilir; k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazinin varolu\u015f krizinde muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn yerini pek\u00e2l\u00e2 \u201cwoke\u201d da alabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ge\u00e7ebilir, kazanabilir, yap\u0131labilir, alabilir\u2026 bir ihtimal de\u011fil; tam da b\u00f6yle oluyor. Bat\u0131 \u00fclkelerinde milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin yerini kozmopolitizm ald\u0131; alabildi\u011fine hukuksuz \u015fiddet alabildi\u011fine hukuki bi\u00e7imler alt\u0131nda uygulan\u0131yor ve b\u00fct\u00fcn kapitalizm tarihi boyunca kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f sosyal haklar h\u0131zla budan\u0131yor; toplumu atomize etmeye y\u00f6nelik yap\u0131salc\u0131l\u0131k, postyap\u0131salc\u0131l\u0131k, postmodernizm gibi tamamen marksizme kar\u015f\u0131 icat edilmi\u015f, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f, hatta genellikle solcu say\u0131lan alabildi\u011fine gerici y\u00f6ntemler kullan\u0131l\u0131yor; k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fckburjuva gericili\u011fi ise hem g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n antitezini and\u0131ran woke ve iptal k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc \u00fczerinde, hem de geleneksel k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fckburjuva sa\u011fc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinde y\u00fckseliyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ve bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 bir kez daha b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazinin i\u00e7 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ve d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131klar\u0131yla \u00e7ak\u0131\u015f\u0131yor, ger\u00e7ek tehlikesi de tam burada yat\u0131yor. Kapitalizmde alt\u00fcst olu\u015f, h\u00e2kim s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n kendi aralar\u0131ndaki m\u00fccadelelerinde alt\u00fcst olu\u015f, b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm modelinde alt\u00fcst olu\u015f, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fckburjuvazinin \u00e7e\u015fitli bi\u00e7imlerde gericile\u015fmesi, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n deklase olmas\u0131 \u2014 b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar tek bir s\u00fcrecin farkl\u0131 momentleri.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Hazal Yal\u0131n<\/p>\n\n\n\n