\u201cBir liberal dilenci g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde<\/p>\n\n\n\n
sistemin i\u015flemedi\u011fini s\u00f6yler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bir Marksist ise i\u015fledi\u011fini!\u201d<\/a>[1]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Liberalizm, bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak burjuvazinin y\u00fckseli\u015fiyle ili\u015fkili bir ideolojidir. \u0130lk kuramc\u0131lar\u0131ndan biri, John Locke\u2019un tan\u0131m\u0131yla, insanlar\u0131n do\u011fal olarak \u201cherhangi ba\u015fka bir bireyin iznine ya da iradesine tabi olmadan eylemlerini uygun g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri \u015fekilde d\u00fczenleme hususunda noksans\u0131z \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck h\u00e2li\u201dnde olduklar\u0131 sav\u0131na dayan\u0131r. \u0130nsan\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z bir \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck (ve de e\u015fitlik) h\u00e2li\u201dnde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve bu \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ancak me\u015fru bir gerek\u00e7eyle (toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fme) s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131labilece\u011fini varsayan Ayd\u0131nlanma filozoflar\u0131 (Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant\u2026) bu anlamda liberalizmin \u201ckurucu atalar\u0131\u201d aras\u0131nda say\u0131lmaktad\u0131r\u2026 \u00c7o\u011funu bug\u00fcn\u00fcn standartlar\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u201cliberal\u201d olarak nitelemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmasa da\u2026 (Gaus, Courtland, ve Schmidtz 2020)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Liberalizmin Teorisi<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cYurtta\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bir ba\u015fka gurur vesilesidir!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yoksullar i\u00e7in zenginlerin kudretini ve bo\u015fgezerliklerini<\/p>\n\n\n\n destekleme ve s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme u\u011fra\u015f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu g\u00f6revlerini yasalar\u0131n k\u00f6pr\u00fc alt\u0131nda uyumay\u0131,<\/p>\n\n\n\n sokaklarda dilenmeyi, ekme\u011fini \u00e7almay\u0131<\/p>\n\n\n\n hem zenginler hem de yoksullar i\u00e7in yasaklayan<\/p>\n\n\n\n yasalar\u0131n muhte\u015fem e\u015fitli\u011fi<\/p>\n\n\n\n zemininde yerine getirmelidirler.\u201d<\/a>[2]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Kapitalizmin \u015fafa\u011f\u0131nda, \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201d\u00fcn iki toplumsal kesim i\u00e7in temel sorunsal h\u00e2line gelmesinin hakl\u0131 gerek\u00e7eleri vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 1. Ge\u00e7 feodalite s\u00fcrecinde dikkate de\u011fer bir ekonomik g\u00fcce d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fen ve bu g\u00fc\u00e7lerini siyasal etkiye tahvil etmek isteyen<\/a>[3]<\/a> kentli tacirler, serbest meslek sahipleri, imalat\u00e7\u0131lar, i\u015fletme sahipleri, tefeciler, bankerler, kentlere yerle\u015fmi\u015f \u00e7iftlik sahipleri vb. a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, bir \u201cefendi\u201dnin, hele ki Kilise ile ittifak h\u00e2lindeki (feodal bey ya da kral) mutlak ve keyf\u00ee iradesine tabi olmama anlam\u0131na gelmekteydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 2. Toprakta \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan k\u0131rsal emek\u00e7iler, yani serfler i\u00e7in ise, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck benli\u011fiyle, bedeniyle bir \u201cefendi\u201dye ait olmamak, \u00f6rne\u011fin b\u00fct\u00fcn bir y\u0131l \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131p da \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn sadece hayatta kalabilece\u011fi kadar\u0131n\u0131 elinde tutup geri kalan\u0131n\u0131 beye, rahibe, krala kapt\u0131rmamak, sava\u015f zaman\u0131 zorla silah alt\u0131na al\u0131nmamak, sal\u0131nan keyfi vergi ve hara\u00e7larla a\u00e7l\u0131\u011fa mahk\u00fbm kalmamak, angaryaya tabi tutulmamak demekti. Orta\u00e7a\u011f boyunca Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc kas\u0131p kavuran \u201ck\u00f6yl\u00fc isyanlar\u0131\u201dn\u0131n temel talepleri bu mealdeydi\u2026 (bkz. Engels 2018)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Evet, kapitalizmin \u015fafa\u011f\u0131nda, iki toplumsal kesim, farkl\u0131 \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201d kavramlar\u0131 u\u011fruna m\u00fccadele ediyordu; iktisad\u00ee faaliyetiyle kentsel mek\u00e2n\u0131n denetimini b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ele ge\u00e7irmi\u015f olan burjuvazi, monark\u0131n tasarruflar\u0131n\u0131 keyf\u00ee ve mutlak olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kartarak onu \u00fczerinde uzla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, ortak, akl\u00ee bir zemine yerle\u015ftirmek\u2026 Ki bunun prototipi, \u0130ngiltere\u2019de baronlarla Kral John aras\u0131ndaki uzun ve y\u0131prat\u0131c\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, kral\u0131n tasarruflar\u0131n\u0131n yasal temele dayanmas\u0131 gere\u011fini kabul etti\u011fi yolunda var\u0131lan bir dizi uzla\u015fma, Magna Carta<\/em>\u2019d\u0131r (1215) Magna Carta\u2019yla birlikte uyruklar, yasalar\u0131n korumas\u0131 alt\u0131ndaki \u201cyurtta\u015flar\u201d stat\u00fcs\u00fcne kavu\u015fur. Monarkla burjuvazi aras\u0131nda bir uzla\u015fmaya varman\u0131n olanaks\u0131z oldu\u011fu durumlarda ise, hanedanlar devrilip, yerini Cumhuriyet rejimlerine b\u0131rakacakt\u0131r. Her durumda kentli varl\u0131kl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f, burjuvazi i\u00e7in i\u015fin \u00f6z\u00fc, ya da Gray\u2019in ifadesiyle \u201ct\u00fcm \u00e7e\u015fitlemeleri i\u00e7inde liberal devletin olmazsa olmaz <\/em>ko\u015fulu, h\u00fck\u00fcmet iktidar ve yetkesinin bireysel \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve yasan\u0131n egemenli\u011fi alt\u0131nda ki\u015filerin e\u015fitli\u011finin sayg\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc anayasal kural ve pratikler sistemi taraf\u0131ndan s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d (akt. Letseka, 2013: 68)<\/p>\n\n\n\n B\u00fct\u00fcn varyantlar\u0131yla<\/a>[4]<\/a> liberalizm, nihayetinde, ge\u00e7 feodalite i\u00e7inde kabu\u011funu \u00e7atlatarak boy veren, palazlanan burjuvazinin \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201d tasar\u0131m\u0131ndan kaynaklan\u0131r. Ve bu \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201d\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 emek\u00e7ilerin \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201d talep ve m\u00fccadeleleriyle \u00e7izilmi\u015ftir.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n Peki, nas\u0131l bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckt\u00fcr, liberalizmin \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc?<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6ncelikle bireyseldir. Bu, insan\u0131n liberalizmin Ayd\u0131nlanma d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerinden kal\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131, toplumsal-\u00f6ncesi do\u011fal durumunda i\u00e7kin olarak \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe sahip oldu\u011funa ili\u015fkin temel varsay\u0131m\u0131ndan kaynaklan\u0131r. \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, bireyin do\u011fal h\u00e2lidir. Bu bak\u0131mdan, ancak kendi r\u0131zas\u0131yla girdi\u011fi toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fme taraf\u0131ndan ve \u00f6z\u00fcne dokunulamayacak \u015fekilde k\u0131s\u0131tlanabilir. Bireyin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, ancak bir ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ihlal etme olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131labilecektir. Bunun g\u00fcvencesi ise, \u201ctoplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fme\u201d ya da Anayasa\u2019d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Liberalizmin bireysel \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri, kamusal, siyasal, domestik, iktisad\u00ee\u2026 velhas\u0131l toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn alanlar\u0131nda Anayasa ve yasalarla g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r. Kamusal alanda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve ifade, bas\u0131n, inan\u00e7 ve ibadet, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme, ya\u015fayaca\u011f\u0131 yeri se\u00e7me, seyahat, i\u015fkence ve k\u00f6t\u00fc muamele g\u00f6rmeme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, adil yarg\u0131lanma hakk\u0131\u2026 Siyasal alanda y\u00f6neticileri se\u00e7me ve se\u00e7ilme hakk\u0131, kamu g\u00f6revlerine eri\u015fim hakk\u0131\u2026 Kurumsal alanda sa\u011fl\u0131k, e\u011fitim vb. hizmetlere eri\u015fim hakk\u0131\u2026 domestik alanda e\u015fini se\u00e7me \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, domestik \u015fiddete u\u011framama hakk\u0131, cinsiyet temelli ay\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa u\u011framama hakk\u0131\u2026 Ve en kritik \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler\u201d alan\u0131: iktisad\u00ee \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler\u2026 \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet hakk\u0131, ticaret \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, giri\u015fim \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc serbest\u00e7e satabilme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, sendikal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ku\u015fku yok ki liberalizmin kapsam\u0131 iki y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n tarihi boyunca gelgitlerle de olsa genle\u015fti. Bug\u00fcn liberal doktrinlerin do\u011fal kabul etti\u011fi bir\u00e7ok \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201d liberalizmin fikir babalar\u0131n\u0131n tahayy\u00fcl alanlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndayd\u0131: farkl\u0131 cinsel y\u00f6nelimler, domestik \u015fiddetten ar\u0131nma, hatta e\u015fit ve genel oy (19. y\u00fczy\u0131l liberalleri i\u00e7in m\u00fclk sahiplerinin, e\u011fitimlilerin ve erkeklerin oy hakk\u0131na sahip olmas\u0131 yeterliydi) sendikala\u015fma\u2026 \u0130lgin\u00e7tir, liberalizmin \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler\u201d tahayy\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00fcn genle\u015fmesinde, bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerin geni\u015flemesinde temel etken, emek\u00e7ilerin m\u00fccadeleleri olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bir alan d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda: liberal doktrin(ler)in en kritik noktas\u0131n\u0131, iktisad\u00ee \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r; \u00f6zellikle \u201c\u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet\u201d edinme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve bununla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olarak ticaret ve giri\u015fim \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc. Liberal kuramc\u0131lar genellikle \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerin en vazge\u00e7ilmezi olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet edinme\u201d \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201dn\u00fcn<\/a>[5]<\/a> \u00e7o\u011funlukla m\u00fclk sahibi olmayanlar\u0131 \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcks\u00fcz\u201d b\u0131rakmas\u0131n\u0131 sorunsalla\u015ft\u0131rmazlar. Ve de t\u00fcm bu \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi zemin olan kapitalizmin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n, s\u00fcrekli olarak bir avu\u00e7 \u201cm\u00fclk sahibi\u201dnin, topumun geri kalan\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirmesine dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelirler. Marx ile Engels\u2019in liberalizme y\u00f6nelik ele\u015ftirilerinin \u00f6z\u00fc, tam da budur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marx ile Engels\u2019in d\u00f6nemlerinin liberalizmine y\u00f6nelttikleri ele\u015ftirilere ge\u00e7meden \u00f6nce liberalizmin kendi vaatlerine ne denli ba\u011fl\u0131 olduklar\u0131na, bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle \u201cliberal prati\u011fe\u201d bir g\u00f6z atal\u0131m. Nimtz\u2019in (2019) anlat\u0131m\u0131yla, her ikisi de Marx ile Engels\u2019in \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f\u0131 olan liberal doktrinin iki \u201ca\u011f\u0131r topu\u201d Alexis de Tocqueville ve J. S. Mill bu bak\u0131mdan \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 iki \u00f6rnek olu\u015fturuyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Prati\u011fi: Liberaller nereye kadar \u201cLiberal\u201d? (Tocqueville \u00d6rne\u011fi)<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cDemokratik kurumlar akl\u0131m\u0131 \u00e7eliyor ama i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fcsel olarak aristokrat\u0131m,<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc g\u00fcruhlardan tiksiniyor ve korkuyorum.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n En temel d\u00fczlemde, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, yasall\u0131k, haklara sayg\u0131ya tutkunum, ama demokrasiye de\u011fil. (\u2026)<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n Ne devrimci ne de muhafazak\u00e2r partiye aidim.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n Ama son tahlilde, ilkindense ikinciye daha fazla e\u011filimliyim;<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc muhafazak\u00e2rlarla ama\u00e7lar de\u011fil, ara\u00e7lar konusunda ayr\u0131\u015f\u0131yoruz;<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n ama devrimcilerden hem ara\u00e7lar hem de ama\u00e7lar konusunda farkl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum.\u201d<\/a>[6]<\/strong><\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n Aristokrat k\u00f6kenli, Frans\u0131z liberal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr ve siyaset\u00e7i Tocqueville\u2019in (1805-1859) siyasal fikirleri, 1789 Devrimi\u2019ni izleyen restorasyon y\u0131llar\u0131nda, \u00f6zellikle de 1824\u2019de tahta ge\u00e7en Kral X. Charles\u2019\u0131n gerici y\u00f6netimi d\u00f6neminde bi\u00e7imlenmi\u015fe benzer. Tocqueville, 1830\u2019daki, kral\u0131n devrilmesine ve yerine, y\u00fckselen burjuvazi taraf\u0131ndan desteklenen Bourbon hanedan\u0131ndan Louis Philippe\u2019in ge\u00e7mesine yol a\u00e7an \u00fc\u00e7 g\u00fcnl\u00fck halk ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131 alk\u0131\u015flarla kar\u015f\u0131lam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak bu, \u00e7alkant\u0131l\u0131 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l Fransa siyasal tarihinde alk\u0131\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilk ve son halk ayaklanmas\u0131 olacakt\u0131r\u2026 Entelekt\u00fcel ya\u015fam\u0131, bundan b\u00f6yle devrimlerden ve \u201cayak tak\u0131m\u0131\u201dn\u0131n etkisinden ar\u0131nm\u0131\u015f bir demokrasinin m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorusunun yan\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 aramaya adanacakt\u0131. Bunun yan\u0131t\u0131na ise, dokuz ay boyunca yerinde inceleme olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 buldu\u011fu Amerikan demokrasisinde ula\u015facakt\u0131. Ve Tocqueville\u2019e g\u00f6re, Amerikan demokrasisini m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan, H\u0131ristiyan e\u015fitlik\u00e7ili\u011fiydi: \u201cAmerikal\u0131lar\u0131n en \u00f6nemli avantaj\u0131, demokratik bir devrime katlanmak zorunda kalmaks\u0131z\u0131n demokrasiye eri\u015fmi\u015f olmalar\u0131d\u0131r; sonradan e\u015fit h\u00e2le gelmek yerine, \u00f6yle do\u011fmu\u015flard\u0131r.\u201d (akt. Nimtz, 2019: 19) Tocqueville\u2019in \u201cAmerikan demokrasisi\u201d g\u00fczellemesinde ne yedi y\u0131ll\u0131k kanl\u0131 \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f\u2019\u0131n rol\u00fcne yer verilir ne de siyah\u00ee ve yerlilere y\u00f6nelik kronik ay\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k dikkate al\u0131nmaktad\u0131r. \u201cSiyah\u00eesiz ve yerlisiz\u201d bir demokrasi, \u00f6yle g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor ki Tocqueville i\u00e7in yeterince \u201cmutlak ve u\u00e7suz bucaks\u0131z\u201dd\u0131r\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cAyak tak\u0131m\u0131\u201dn\u0131n siyasal sahnede etkin bir rol \u00fcstlenmesine yol a\u00e7an ayaklanma ve devrimler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki nefreti, bir parlamento \u00fcyesi olarak kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 1848 \u201cAvrupa Bahar\u0131\u201dnda ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 pozisyonda iyice a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kacakt\u0131. Bir parlamento \u00fcyesi olarak kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 Cezayir\u2019deki Frans\u0131z s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fini hararetle savunan raporun<\/a>[7]<\/a> \u201csab\u0131kas\u0131\u201dna eklenen \u201cayak tak\u0131m\u0131\u201d nefreti\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n 1848 Devrimi\u2019nde Tocqueville Fransa D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri bakan\u0131 ve devrimi bast\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Milli Muhaf\u0131zlar\u2019\u0131n subaylar\u0131ndand\u0131. Devrimin \u015fafa\u011f\u0131nda, 29 Ocak 1848\u2019de Millet Meclisi k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcnden vekillere \u015f\u00f6yle seslenecekti: \u201c\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tutkular\u0131n\u0131n siyasaldan toplumsala kayd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n fark\u0131nda de\u011fil misiniz? Yaln\u0131zca \u015fu ya da bu yasay\u0131, \u015fu ya da bu bakan\u0131, hatta \u015fu ya da bu h\u00fck\u00fcmeti de\u011fil de toplumu devirmeyi, \u00fczerine yerle\u015fti\u011fi temelleri y\u0131kmay\u0131 savunan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ve fikirlerin saflar\u0131nda yay\u0131lmakta oldu\u011funu g\u00f6rm\u00fcyor musunuz? Bu gibi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler beraberinde eninde sonunda devrimlerin en deh\u015fetlisini getirecektir\u201d (Nimtz, 2019: 36)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Tocqueville\u2019in korktu\u011funun ba\u015f\u0131na gelmesi, -ya da en az\u0131ndan onun \u00f6yle sanmas\u0131- uzun s\u00fcrmeyecektir. 1848 Avrupa devrimlerinin ilk dalgas\u0131, \u015eubat ay\u0131nda patlak verir. Karl Marx\u2019\u0131n \u201cburjuvazinin egemenli\u011finin peki\u015ftirilmesi\u201d olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bu olay, Tocqueville i\u00e7in, sosyalist fikirlerin zaferidir. Ve bu devrim, ani ve \u015fiddetli bir kar\u015f\u0131 harek\u00e2tla bast\u0131r\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r!<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130lk dalgan\u0131n iktidara ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 ge\u00e7ici liberal h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin kent yoksullar\u0131na istihdam sa\u011flayan bay\u0131nd\u0131rl\u0131k faaliyetlerini durdurma karar\u0131, Fransa\u2019da Haziran ayaklanmalar\u0131n\u0131 tetikleyecektir. Paris proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n Haziran ayaklanmas\u0131nda u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yenilgiyi Tocqueville, \u201cBu kader g\u00fcnleri Fransa\u2019daki devrim ate\u015fini s\u00f6nd\u00fcremese de, en az\u0131ndan bir s\u00fcreli\u011fine \u015eubat Devrimi\u2019nin yapt\u0131klar\u0131na son verdi. Ulusu Parisli i\u015f\u00e7ilerin tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcnden kurtar\u0131p, kendi yazg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n kontrol\u00fcn\u00fc yeniden ona verdi.\u201d (Nimtz, 2019: 47)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ve Tocqueville Haziran ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131n bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131nda aktif bir rol \u00fcstlendi: Yaln\u0131zca \u201cCezayir Fatihi\u201d Cavaignac\u2019\u0131n diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc hararetle desteklemekle kalmad\u0131, Meclis\u2019ten ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 yetkiyle Paris\u2019i sokak sokak dola\u015f\u0131p Milli Muhaf\u0131zlar\u0131 Cavaignac\u2019\u0131n yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kararnameler konusunda bilgilendirme g\u00f6revini de \u00fcstlendi\u2026 \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler yenildi\u011finde 3.000 tutsa\u011f\u0131n katledilmesine ise bir itiraz\u0131 olmad\u0131\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n Haziran sonras\u0131, Tocqueville daha da muhafazak\u00e2r bir hatta do\u011fru kayacak, i\u015f g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn 10 saatle s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, tuz vergisinin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, ikame yerine zorunlu askerli\u011fin kabul\u00fc, t\u00fcm yurtta\u015flara e\u011fitim, istihdam ve sosyal yard\u0131m hakk\u0131 tan\u0131nmas\u0131 gibi \u00f6nerilere, \u201csosyalizme kap\u0131 aralad\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d gerek\u00e7esiyle muhalefet edecekti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Haziran ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131n bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, h\u00fck\u00fcmete demokratik alan\u0131 daraltma f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 vermi\u015fti – t\u00fcm siyasal kul\u00fcplerin kapat\u0131lmas\u0131, bas\u0131na sans\u00fcr uygulanmas\u0131 ve s\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim: t\u00fcm bu antidemokratik tedbirler, Tocqueville taraf\u0131ndan hararetle destekleniyordu. \u201c\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc koruman\u0131n tek yolu, onu k\u0131s\u0131tlamakt\u0131r,\u201d s\u00f6zleri ona aittir (Nimtz, 2019: 55). Tocqueville bununla da kalmad\u0131 – \u201cCumhuriyeti korumak\u201d ad\u0131na, Aral\u0131k 1851\u2019de Louis Bonaparte\u2019\u0131n parlamentoyu la\u011fvederek imparatorlu\u011funu ilan etmesine giden yolun d\u00f6\u015fenmesine de, \u201cy\u00fcr\u00fctmenin g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesi\u201d ad\u0131na destek verdi: 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l ortalar\u0131nda \u201cBol\u015fevizm tehdidi\u201dne kar\u015f\u0131 Hitler ve Mussolini\u2019yi destekleyen (Pareto ve von Mises gibi) epigonlar\u0131n\u0131n yolunu da b\u00f6ylece a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f oldu\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u2026Ve John Stuart Mill<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cBen soyut hakik\u00e2tten yanay\u0131m,<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n ne kadar soyut, o kadar iyi.\u201d<\/a>[8]<\/strong><\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n Klasik liberalizmin \u00f6nde gelen kuramc\u0131lar\u0131ndan Britanyal\u0131 filozof John Stuart Mill, Fransa\u2019da 1789 \u0130htilalinin ve 1830 devrimci dalgas\u0131n\u0131n (St. Simoncular\u0131n yan\u0131nda) destek\u00e7ileri aras\u0131nda yer alsa da, kendi \u00fclkesinde devrimci \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar\u0131 desteklemek bir yana, Lordlar Kamaras\u0131\u2019nda oy hakk\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015fletilmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki \u00f6nergeye kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131, Bristol b\u00f6lgesinde patlak veren \u201cdevrimci durum\u201d kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, \u201cen iyisi sinip f\u0131rt\u0131nan\u0131n ge\u00e7mesini beklemek\u201d tutumuyla, ya da kendisinden destek isteyen Chartist harekete deste\u011fini \u201csadece kitap ba\u011f\u0131\u015f\u0131\u201dyla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 tutmas\u0131yla (Nimtz 2019: 78-80) temay\u00fcz etmektedir. Frans\u0131z \u201c\u00fclk\u00fcda\u015f\u0131\u201d Tocqueville gibi 1848 devrimci dalgas\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda yer almamakla birlikte, yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda \u201ckom\u00fcnizm tehdidi\u201dne kar\u015f\u0131 uyarmakta, ve bu tehdidin ancak i\u015f\u00e7ilere istihdam ve doyurucu \u00fccretler vererek bertaraf edilebilece\u011fi\u201dni savunmaktad\u0131r. Fransa\u2019daki 1848 devrimci dalgas\u0131n\u0131n sonunda bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ise onu ho\u015fnut etmi\u015f g\u00f6z\u00fckmektedir; \u00f6zellikle \u201ctek damla kan d\u00f6k\u00fclmemesi\u201dni memnuniyetle kar\u015f\u0131lar. (Oysa \u201cCezayir Fatihi\u201d Cavaignac, isyanc\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ilere kendi mezarlar\u0131n\u0131 kazd\u0131r\u0131p sonra da topa tutmas\u0131yla \u00fcnlenmi\u015ftir\u2026 Bu suretle en az 1.500 i\u015f\u00e7inin katledildi\u011fi Encyclopaedia Britannica\u2019da kay\u0131tl\u0131d\u0131r.)<\/a>[9]<\/a> Louis Bonaparte\u2019\u0131n darbesinden ise, \u201cplebisiti sorumlu tutmaktad\u0131r\u201d (Nimtz, 2019: 81)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Mill\u2019in liberalizmi iki alanda su g\u00f6t\u00fcrmez bi\u00e7imde tezah\u00fcr eder: ABD\u2019de k\u00f6lecili\u011fin ilgas\u0131 i\u00e7in m\u00fccadeleye verdi\u011fi (gecikmeli de olsa) destek ve Amerikan \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda Britanya\u2019n\u0131n k\u00f6leci G\u00fcney\u2019i desteklemekten vazge\u00e7mesi i\u00e7in verdi\u011fi u\u011fra\u015f (Britanyal\u0131 tekstil sanayicileri, k\u00f6lecili\u011fin ilgas\u0131n\u0131n pamuk fiyatlar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fckseltmesinden endi\u015fe etmektedir); ile kad\u0131nlar\u0131n oy hakk\u0131 m\u00fccadelesini (S\u00fcfrajet hareketi) sahiplenmesi\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ancak, bu ikincisi, ko\u015fulludur. Mill, yaln\u0131zca e\u011fitim g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f kad\u0131nlar\u0131n oy hakk\u0131n\u0131 savunur. Kad\u0131nlar\u0131 kapsas\u0131n kapsamas\u0131n, genel oya kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r: cahil g\u00fcruhlar se\u00e7im sand\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan uzak tutulmal\u0131, \u201c\u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun tiranl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201dndan ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle Mill, k\u00f6le ve kad\u0131n haklar\u0131na g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi duyarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan esirgemektedir\u2026 Ona (ve \u00e7o\u011fu klasik liberale) g\u00f6re \u201calt s\u0131n\u0131flar\u201d\u0131n orta s\u0131n\u0131f entelekt\u00fcellerinin yol g\u00f6stericili\u011fine ihtiyac\u0131 vard\u0131r. Ve Engels\u2019e yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir mektupta, uyarmaktad\u0131r Marx: \u201cm\u00fcrekkep yalam\u0131\u015flar, burjuva s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 mensuplar\u0131 ve yar\u0131-ayd\u0131nlar harekete d\u00e2hil oldu\u011funda daha da dikkatli olmak gerek\u2026\u201d (Nimtz, 2019: 118)<\/p>\n\n\n\n 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l liberalizminin bu iki \u201cklasik\u201d \u00f6rne\u011fi, Tocqueville ile Mill\u2019in en belirgin y\u00f6n\u00fc, g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczere, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilerin m\u00fccadeleleri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda duyduklar\u0131 derin korkudur. \u201cLiberalizm\u201dlerinin, \u201cdemokratl\u0131k\u201dlar\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 – Tocqueville\u2019in parlamenter kariyerinin bolca kan\u0131tlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere, budur; bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 devrimi olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda tercihlerini otoriter rejimlerden yana kullanmak. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc nihayetinde liberal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin olmazsa olmaz\u0131, \u201cm\u00fclkiyet \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201dd\u00fcr; bu \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201d i\u00e7in tehdit olu\u015fturan her \u015fey, t\u00fcm di\u011fer \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerden vazge\u00e7meye sevk eder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marx-Engels ve Liberalizm: Teorik Ele\u015ftiri<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201c\u0130nsan dinden \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmedi, din \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc elde etti.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n M\u00fclkiyetten \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmedi, m\u00fclkiyet \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc elde etti.\u201d<\/a>[10]<\/strong><\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n Marx\u2019\u0131n (ve Engels\u2019in) liberalizm kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki tutumunu anlayabilmek i\u00e7in \u00f6ncelikle, onun bu ideolojiye y\u00f6nelik kuramsal ele\u015ftirilerine bakmak gerek.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marx\u2019\u0131n ele\u015firileri, Hegel\u2019in Hukuk Felsefesinin Ele\u015ftirisi<\/em> (1843), ve burjuva \u201chaklar\u201d sorununu irdeledi\u011fi Yahudi Sorunu<\/em> (1845) ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda yo\u011fun bi\u00e7imde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Hegel\u2019in devlet felsefesi, bireylerin kendi bencil \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n pe\u015finde ko\u015ftu\u011fu, \u00e7eli\u015fki ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarla y\u00fckl\u00fc bir \u201csivil toplum\u201d ile bencilliklerini a\u015farak \u201ckamusal yurtta\u015flar\u201d olarak davrand\u0131klar\u0131 \u201csiyasal toplum\u201d aras\u0131ndaki ay\u0131r\u0131mdan hareket eder. Hegel\u2019e g\u00f6re bu \u00e7eli\u015fki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fcz de\u011fildir; \u00f6zel \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n azam\u00eele\u015ftirilmesi \u00e7abas\u0131 ile tarafs\u0131z ve kamusal yurtta\u015fl\u0131k talepleri aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki, modern devletin y\u00fcce iradesi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenmektedir; tikel \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n \u00fczerinde yer alan tarafs\u0131z ve \u00fcst bir irade olarak devlet (siyasi toplum) bireysel \u00e7\u0131karlar ile kamusal y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fckler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlendi\u011fi locus\u2019<\/em>dur. (Femia, 1992: 16)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marx Hegel\u2019in bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131ndaki idealizmi k\u0131yas\u0131ya ele\u015ftirir. Ona g\u00f6re, burjuva toplumunda yaln\u0131zca sivil topluma ait \u00f6zel ki\u015fi, ya da \u201cekonomik insan\u201d ger\u00e7ek, somut varolu\u015fa sahiptir. Yurtta\u015f olarak bir soyutlamadan, siyasal cemaatten, insan\u0131n \u00f6z imgesinin kamusal bir varl\u0131k olarak fantastik bir yans\u0131tmadan ibarettir. Bu bak\u0131mdan, Hegel\u2019in siyasal tahlili amprik kurumlar\u0131 \u201c\u0130dea\u201dn\u0131n, \u201ctarihin \u00f6z\u00fc\u201dn\u00fcn ya da \u201cniha\u00ee neden\u201din geli\u015fiminden t\u00fcretme yolundaki idealist giri\u015fimden mal\u00fbld\u00fcr: \u201cEn demokratik kisvesi alt\u0131nda dahi modern devlet, hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde toplumsal b\u00f6l\u00fcnmelerin \u00fczerinde tarafs\u0131z bir hakem de\u011fildir. Sivil toplumun b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc a\u015fmak \u015f\u00f6yle dursun, \u00f6zel varolu\u015fun rekabet\u00e7ili\u011fini ve m\u00fclkiyetin tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00fc\u00e7lendirerek bu durumu s\u00fcre\u011fen k\u0131lar.\u201d (akt. Femia 1992: 18)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marx, Hegel\u2019in hukuk felsefesi ele\u015ftirisinde, \u201csiyasal toplum\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn varsayd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cyurtta\u015f\u201d\u0131n bir soyutlamadan, bir imgelem \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcnden ibaret oldu\u011funu vurgularken, burjuva devletin bireyi (\u00f6rne\u011fin Antik Yunan\u2019da oldu\u011fu \u00fczere) cemaati ile ili\u015fkilendirmek bir yana, onun \u201ccemaatinden, giderek kendisinden ve di\u011fer insanlardan ayr\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 temsil etti\u011fini \u00f6ne s\u00fcrer. \u015eu h\u00e2lde liberal demokrasi, yabanc\u0131la\u015fmay\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7 bak\u0131mdan sergilemektedir:<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201c1) \u0130nsan\u0131 siyasal ya\u015fam\u0131 \u2018akt\u00fcel bireyselli\u011finden uzak\u2019 g\u00f6ren \u2018tahayy\u00fcl edilmi\u015f bir egemenli\u011fin tahayy\u00fcl edilmi\u015f bir \u00fcyesi\u2019 k\u0131larak toplumundan kopart\u0131r; 2) Bir \u2018bellum omnium contra omnes\u2019 <\/em>(herkesin herkesle sava\u015f\u0131)alan\u0131 olan sivil toplumda insan\u0131n insanla m\u00fccadelesini hem yans\u0131t\u0131r, hem de yapt\u0131r\u0131ma ba\u011flar; 3) \u0130nsan ki\u015fili\u011fi i\u00e7inde \u00f6zel \u00e7\u0131karla kom\u00fcnal y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fck ya da ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k aras\u0131nda b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeyi besler – kapitalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak bencillik lehine \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenen bir uyumsuzluktur bu. \u015eu h\u00e2lde burjuva toplumunda insanlar toplumsal do\u011falar\u0131na yabanc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve bu toplumun de\u011fer ve kurumlar\u0131 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla, \u00e7at\u0131\u015fk\u0131l\u0131 bas\u0131n\u00e7lar taraf\u0131ndan par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015f ve hem kendi insanl\u0131klar\u0131na, hem de di\u011fer insanlara yabanc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f izole \u2018monad\u2019lara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015flerdi.\u201d (Femia 1992: 20-21) Yani kapitalist toplumun \u201cbirey\u201di, asl\u00ee \u00f6z\u00fcne, toplumsall\u0131\u011fa yabanc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f, soyut, izole, tekil bir monad\u2019d\u0131r. Marx\u2019\u0131n insan\u0131n tan\u0131mlay\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6zelli\u011fi olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u201ct\u00fcrsel varl\u0131k\u201d\u0131n<\/a>[11]<\/a> uza\u011f\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/a>[12]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Bir kez daha vurgulamak gerek; Marx\u2019a g\u00f6re insan do\u011fas\u0131, \u201ctoplumsal\u201dd\u0131r. Bu nedenledir ki insan\u0131n \u201ctoplum-\u00f6ncesi\u201d durumundan kaynaklanan \u201cdo\u011fal haklar\u201d s\u00f6ylemi, ona yabanc\u0131d\u0131r.<\/em> (Shoikhedbrod, 2017: 28) Bu nedenledir ki, \u201cpolitik haklar\u201d s\u00f6ylemine sahip \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, soyut olarak kurgulanm\u0131\u015f \u201c\u0130nsan Haklar\u0131\u201d s\u00f6ylemini ele\u015ftirir: \u201cS\u00f6zde insan haklar\u0131\u201d\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cHer\u015feyden \u00f6nce, s\u00f6zde insan haklar\u0131n\u0131n, droits de citoyen<\/em>\u2019den (yurtta\u015f haklar\u0131) farkl\u0131 olarak droits de l\u2019homme <\/em>(insan haklar\u0131)\u2019un, sivil toplum \u00fcyesinin haklar\u0131ndan, yani bencil insan\u0131n, \u00f6teki insanlardan, cemaatten ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015f insan\u0131n haklar\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kaydediyoruz. En radikal Anayasa\u2019n\u0131n, 1793 Anayasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n s\u00f6zleriyle:<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130nsan ve Yurtta\u015f Haklar\u0131 Bildirgesi, Madde 2 – <\/em>\u201cBu haklar vb. (do\u011fal ve devredilmez haklar) e\u015fitlik, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, g\u00fcvenlik ve m\u00fclkiyettir.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n Peki, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck nedir?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Madde 6- \u2018\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck insan\u0131n ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n haklar\u0131na zarar vermeyen her\u015feyi yapabilme yetisidir,\u2019 ya da, 1791 \u0130nsan Haklar\u0131 Bildirgesi\u2019<\/em>ne g\u00f6re, \u2018\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, ba\u015fkalar\u0131na zarar vermeyen her\u015feyi yapabilme yetisidir.\u2019<\/p>\n\n\n\n (\u2026) Herhangi birinin bir ba\u015fkas\u0131na zarar vermeden<\/em> eyleyebilece\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131rlar, yasayla tan\u0131mlan\u0131r (\u2026) Bu izole bir monad olarak, i\u00e7ine \u00e7ekilmi\u015f bir insan\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr. (\u2026) Ama insan\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck hakk\u0131 insan\u0131n insanla ili\u015fkisi \u00fczerine de\u011fil, insan\u0131n insandan ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00fczerine temellenir. (\u2026)<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130nsan\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck hakk\u0131n\u0131n pratik uygulamas\u0131, insan\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet<\/em> edinme <\/em>hakk\u0131d\u0131r. (\u2026) \u0130nsan\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet (edinme) hakk\u0131, bu nedenle ki\u015finin kendi m\u00fclkiyetinden yararlanma ve onu diledi\u011fince (a son gr\u00e9), <\/em>ba\u015fkalar\u0131na kulak asmaks\u0131z\u0131n, toplumdan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak tasarruf edebilme, \u00f6z-\u00e7\u0131kar hakk\u0131d\u0131r. Bu bireysel \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve uygulamas\u0131, sivil toplumun temelini olu\u015fturur. Her insan\u0131n, bir ba\u015fkas\u0131nda kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn ger\u00e7eklenmesini de\u011fil, ona ket vurulmas\u0131n\u0131<\/em> g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu nedenle bu s\u00f6zde insan haklar\u0131n\u0131n hi\u00e7biri, bencil insan\u0131n, sivil toplum \u00fcyesi olarak insan\u0131n, yani kendi i\u00e7ine, \u00f6zel \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n, \u00f6zel kaprisinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7ine \u00e7ekilmi\u015f, cemaatinden ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bireyin \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7emez. O, insan haklar\u0131nda t\u00fcrsel bir varl\u0131k olarak kavran\u0131lman\u0131n \u00e7ok uza\u011f\u0131ndad\u0131r; tersine, t\u00fcrsel ya\u015fam\u0131n kendisi, toplum, bireylere d\u0131\u015fsal bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve, \u00f6zg\u00fcn ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n bir s\u0131n\u0131rlamas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr. Onlar\u0131 bir arada tutan yeg\u00e2ne ba\u011f, do\u011fal zorunluluk, gereksinim ve \u00f6zel \u00e7\u0131kar, m\u00fclkiyetin ve bencil benliklerinin korunmas\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d (Marx, 1844)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yahudi Sorunu<\/em> ile Hegel\u2019in Hukuk Felsefesinin Ele\u015ftirisi,<\/em> Marx\u2019\u0131n Hegel\u2019den hareketle benimsedi\u011fi \u201csivil toplum\/ siyasal toplum\u201d ay\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 ile, Yahudi Sorunu\u2019<\/em>nda vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cs\u00f6zde insan haklar\u0131\u201dn\u0131n \u201csoyut ve atomize bireye taalluk etti\u011fi\u201d saptamas\u0131 birlikte ele al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir saptamaya ula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r bizi\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marx\u2019\u0131n, Yahudi Sorunu\u2019nda (siyasal alana tekab\u00fcl eden) \u201cyurtta\u015f haklar\u0131\u201d ile (sivil alana tekab\u00fcl eden) \u201cs\u00f6zde insan haklar\u0131\u201d aras\u0131nda bir ay\u0131r\u0131m g\u00f6zetti\u011fini g\u00f6rd\u00fck. Yurtta\u015f haklar\u0131 (siyasal haklar), ancak ba\u015fkalar\u0131yla ili\u015fki i\u00e7erisinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebilecek haklara (oy hakk\u0131, bas\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, adil yarg\u0131lanma hakk\u0131 vb.) tekab\u00fcl ederken, Marx\u2019\u0131n deyi\u015fiyle \u201cs\u00f6zde insan haklar\u0131: e\u015fitlik, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, g\u00fcvenlik, m\u00fclkiyet) \u201cbencil piyasa toplumunda atomistik bireyleri birbirinden ay\u0131ran s\u0131n\u0131r i\u015faretleri\u201dne (Shoikhedbrod, 2019: 59) denk d\u00fc\u015fmektedir. \u201c\u0130nsan haklar\u0131\u201dn\u0131n \u00e7er\u00e7evesini \u00e7izen Bildirgeler\u2019e [1791 tarihli D\u00e9claration des droits de l\u2019homme et du citoyen<\/em> ile 1793 tarihli Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen<\/em>] g\u00f6re her bir birey, (ba\u015fkas\u0131na zarar vermeyece\u011fi) kendi s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 d\u00e2hilinde \u00f6zg\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sorun \u015furadad\u0131r ki, burjuva liberalizmi siyasal alanda \u201ce\u015fitli\u011fi\u201d varsayar ya da \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcrken, sivil alanda (iktisad\u00ee) e\u015fitsizlik \u00fczerinde temellenir.<\/em> \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u201cm\u00fclkiyet\u201di temel alan bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, e\u015fitli\u011fi zorunlu olarak d\u0131\u015flar. \u201cKapitalist piyasa i\u00e7inde \u2018yurtta\u015fl\u0131k e\u015fitli\u011fi\u2019 olamaz.\u201d (Femia, 1992: 41) M\u00fclk sahibi olan ile olmayan, k\u00e2\u011f\u0131t \u00fczerinde \u201ce\u015fit\u201d haklara sahip olsa da \u201c\u0130nsan Haklar\u0131\u201dn\u0131n g\u00fcvence ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 haklardan yararlanma olanaklar\u0131 e\u015fit de\u011fildir. \u201cAnatole France\u2019\u0131n deyi\u015fini biraz de\u011fi\u015ftirecek olursak, liberal m\u00fclkiyet haklar\u0131 dilencilerle \u015firket y\u00f6neticilerinin her ikisinin de malik\u00e2ne sat\u0131n alma hakk\u0131na sahip oldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na gelir.\u201d (McManus, 2020) M\u00fclk sahibi olan\/ zenginin g\u00fcvenli\u011fe, sa\u011fl\u0131\u011fa, e\u011fitime, siyasal karar alma mekanizmalar\u0131na, ikamete, \u201cadil yarg\u0131lanma\u201dya, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini ifade ara\u00e7lar\u0131na\u2026 ya da herhangi bir Anayasa ya da Temel Haklar Bildirgesi ile g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f her t\u00fcrl\u00fc hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe eri\u015fim olana\u011f\u0131, m\u00fclks\u00fcz\/ yoksula g\u00f6re elbette ki \u00e7ok daha fazlad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marx\u2019\u0131n burjuva liberalizmine y\u00f6nelik temel ele\u015ftirisi, budur: \u201cpolitik alan\u201d ile \u201csivil alan\u201d aras\u0131ndaki, mevcut sistem i\u00e7erisinde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi olanaks\u0131z uyumsuzluk. Sivil toplum, yani somut bireylerin m\u00fclkiyet ili\u015fkilerinin farkl\u0131 taraflar\u0131nda konumland\u0131klar\u0131 ger\u00e7ek ya\u015famdaki e\u015fitsizlikler, siyasal alandaki \u201ce\u015fitlik\u201d kurgusunu bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Bu konuda Marx, tikel ve evrensel \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmesi, bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle yabanc\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n ilgas\u0131yla, insan\u0131n \u201ct\u00fcrsel varl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201dna, \u201ctoplumsal \u00f6z\u201d\u00fcne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc veya \u201c\u00f6zel ile kamusal aras\u0131ndaki liberal ay\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131\u201d (Femia, 1992: 27) gere\u011finin alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ne ki mevcut kapitalist toplumda bunun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenemeyece\u011finin bilincindedir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kapitalist sistem, Marx\u2019\u0131n i\u015faret etti\u011fi \u201csiyasal alan\u201d ile \u201csivil alan\u201d aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi, kendisini yeniden \u00fcretecek \u015fekilde temell\u00fck etmi\u015ftir. Politik alandaki \u201cs\u00f6zde e\u015fitlik\u201d (yasalar \u00f6n\u00fcnde e\u015fitlik, e\u015fit oy, \u201cevrensel haklar\u201da eri\u015fimde e\u015fitlik vb. sivil toplumdaki e\u015fitsizlikleri (m\u00fclkiyet \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201dn\u00fcn yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 e\u015fitsizlik) la\u011fvetmek \u00fczere de\u011fil, peki\u015ftirecek tarzda i\u015flemektedir: Tarih boyunca her bir \u00fcretim tarz\u0131 iktisaden ba\u015fat s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 kollay\u0131p ilerletecek uygun siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeyi yaratagelmi\u015ftir. Modern kapitalizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme, demokratik cumhuriyettir. \u201cBir s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00fczerindeki s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z despotizmi\u201d (Marx, 1966); \u201cbir s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n di\u011feri taraf\u0131ndan tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc arac\u0131\u201d (Engels, 1967)\u2026 Hi\u00e7 kimse, se\u00e7ilmi\u015f parlamenterlerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan dolay\u0131 yan\u0131lg\u0131ya kap\u0131lmamal\u0131d\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc onlar da \u201c\u00fcrk\u00fcn\u00e7 s\u0131n\u0131f tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc mekanizmas\u0131na i\u00e7kindirler. Genel oy, g\u00fc\u00e7lerin \u2018g\u00f6zba\u011f\u0131\u2019d\u0131r ve halk taraf\u0131ndan parlamenter s\u0131n\u0131f y\u00f6netimini birka\u00e7 y\u0131lda bir se\u00e7mek \u00fczere ba\u015fvurulur. Parlamenter \u2018business\u2019 ile birlikte se\u00e7imler, \u201cuzak bir devlet parazitleri, iyi para kazanan dalkavuklar ve arpal\u0131ktan beslenenler tak\u0131m\u0131 olan devlet b\u00fcrokratlar\u0131n\u0131n ve profesyonel siyaset\u00e7ilerin kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131ndad\u0131r – bunlar cepleri kapitalist efendilerinden kopard\u0131klar\u0131 ganimetlerle dolu, halk\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131ml\u0131 efendileri ge\u00e7inirler. Bu nedenledir ki, parlamenter demokrasi ezilenlerin kurtulu\u015f arac\u0131 olmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir.\u201d (Fransa\u2019da \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f) (akt. Femia 1997: 46-47)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, burjuva liberalizminin \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u201cs\u00f6zde\u201d e\u015fitlik, siyasete kat\u0131l\u0131mda \u201ce\u015fitlik\u201d, \u00f6rne\u011fin herkes i\u00e7in e\u015fit oy hakk\u0131 (ki liberalizmin buna ikna olmas\u0131 da pek kolay olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r!) ger\u00e7ek ya\u015famda e\u015fitli\u011fi sa\u011flamak bir yana, m\u00fclks\u00fczlerde siyasete kat\u0131l\u0131yorlarm\u0131\u015f\u201d yan\u0131lsamas\u0131 yaratarak e\u015fitsizli\u011fin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesi mekanizmalar\u0131na destek olmalar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flar. \u201cDemokrasinin h\u00fck\u00fcmet a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan avantajlar\u0131ndan biri,\u201d diyordu Bertrand Russel, \u201cortalama insan\u0131n h\u00fck\u00fcmeti kendisine aitmi\u015f gibi g\u00f6rmesini sa\u011flayarak kand\u0131r\u0131lmaya daha yatk\u0131n k\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d (akt.: Haque, 2011)<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6te yandan, burjuva liberalizmi \u201ce\u015fitlik\u201din kapsam ve eriminin gayet iyi fark\u0131ndad\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde b\u00fct\u00fcn \u201cliberal demokrasi\u201dler siyasal y\u00f6neticilerin yurtta\u015flar\u0131n e\u015fit oyla kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7imlerle g\u00f6reve gelip gitmesini \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcrken, liberalizmin \u015fampiyonlu\u011funu yapan hi\u00e7bir piyasa akt\u00f6r\u00fc, diyelim ki \u015firket y\u00f6netimlerinin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n e\u015fit oy hakk\u0131na sahip oldu\u011fu bir se\u00e7imle i\u015f ba\u015f\u0131na gelmesini, b\u0131rak\u0131n dile getirmeyi, akl\u0131ndan dahi ge\u00e7irmez!<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6zetle, Marx ile Engels, kapitalist toplumda bireyin feodal ve teokratik boyunduruklardan kurtularak \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme\u201dsine i\u015faret eden burjuva \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131n ve onunla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 \u201chaklar\u201d s\u00f6yleminin, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kurtulu\u015funa vb. de\u011fil, bir ba\u015fka boyunduruk sistemine, \u00fccretli k\u00f6lelik sistemine kap\u0131y\u0131 a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurgulamaktad\u0131rlar.<\/em> Bu bak\u0131mdan liberalizmin \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201d vaadi, \u00fccretli k\u00f6lelik sisteminin ilgas\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7ermedi\u011fi s\u00fcrece, yerine getiril(e)meyecek bir vaad olarak kalacakt\u0131r.<\/a>[13]<\/a> \u201c\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201d\u00fcn temeline m\u00fclkiyet edinme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yerle\u015ftiren her vaad, her zaman bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kmaya yazg\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u201cMarx\u2019a g\u00f6re liberal teori, \u201cbireysel ve toplumsal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler ancak siyasal ve iktisad\u00ee adalet ve haklar\u0131 birbiriyle ili\u015fkin k\u0131larak anlaml\u0131 bir tarzda ba\u011flant\u0131land\u0131klar\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilece\u011fi i\u00e7in, ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zd\u0131r.\u201d (Martin E. ve M. Pimentel<\/a> 2015.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bireysel ve toplumsal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler siyasal ve iktisad\u00ee haklar\u0131 birbiriyle ili\u015fkin k\u0131larak ba\u011flant\u0131land\u0131klar\u0131nda, yani burjuva toplumuna \u00f6zg\u00fc olan e\u015fitlik ve adaletin iki farkl\u0131 alanda iki farkl\u0131 tezah\u00fcre b\u00fcr\u00fcnmesi (siyasal \u201ce\u015fitlik\u201d ile iktisad\u00ee e\u015fitsizlik) durumuna son verildi\u011finde ise \u201chaklar\u201d s\u00f6ylemi, yerini Marx\u2019\u0131n \u201cherkesin yetene\u011finden herkesin ihtiyac\u0131na<\/em>\u201d ilkesine b\u0131rakacakt\u0131r. Bu ise, liberal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceye i\u00e7kin birey-toplum kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131larak, her bir bireyin \u00f6zg\u00fcr geli\u015fimini, herkesin geli\u015fiminin bir unsuru k\u0131l\u0131nmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. (McManus 2020) Ya da, Marx\u2019\u0131n kendi s\u00f6zleriyle, \u201cinsan\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu, ancak ger\u00e7ek, bireysel insan soyut yurtta\u015f\u0131 kendinde massetti\u011finde, tekil bir insan olarak g\u00fcndelik ya\u015fam\u0131nda, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda ve ili\u015fkilerinde bir t\u00fcr varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 h\u00e2line geldi\u011finde, ve kendi kudretlerini (\u00f6z g\u00fc\u00e7lerini) bu g\u00fcc\u00fc siyasal erk olarak kendinden ay\u0131rmayacak \u015fekilde toplumsal g\u00fc\u00e7ler olarak tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131nda tam olacakt\u0131r.\u201d (Marx, 1844)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marx ve Engels: Demokrasi M\u00fccadelesi<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201c\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 devriminde ilk ad\u0131m, demokrasi m\u00fccadelesini<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n kazanmak i\u00e7in proletaryay\u0131 y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f konumuna y\u00fckseltmektir.\u201d<\/a>[14]<\/strong><\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n Marx (ve Engels)\u2019in liberalizme y\u00f6nelik t\u00fcm ele\u015ftirileri, onlar\u0131n \u201canti-demokrat\u201d olduklar\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmez. Nimtz (2019: 115) \u201cdemokratik m\u00fccadeleye katk\u0131da Marx ve Engels\u2019le yar\u0131\u015facak ki\u015filer varsa, ondokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l liberalizmi saflar\u0131nda aramak nafiledir,\u201d derken abartmamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marx ile Engels, liberal demokrasinin bi\u00e7imleni\u015fine tan\u0131k oldular. Kom\u00fcnistler ile liberallerin, ya da \u201cradikal demokratlar\u201d ile \u201cliberal demokratlar\u201d\u0131n ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 1848 devrimlerine dek, bir\u00e7ok alanda liberallerle birlikte y\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fcler. \u00d6rne\u011fin Marx\u2019\u0131n ilk yaz\u0131lar\u0131na sayfalar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7an, liberal bir yay\u0131n organ\u0131 olan Rheinische Zeitung<\/em> idi. Ancak bas\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc savunmada liberallerin tutarl\u0131 yol arkada\u015flar\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Prusya despotizminin gazeteyi yasaklama karar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 gazete sahiplerinin ve liberal destek\u00e7ilerinin hi\u00e7 diren\u00e7 g\u00f6stermemesiyle anlayacakt\u0131. Benzer \u201cd\u00fc\u015fk\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131\u201d Marx ile yanda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n \u0131srarl\u0131 ve tutarl\u0131 savunucular\u0131 oldu\u011fu ve ilerletmek i\u00e7in u\u011fra\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 adil yarg\u0131lanma hakk\u0131, emek\u00e7ilerin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, oy hakk\u0131n\u0131n yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gibi alanlarda da ya\u015fanacakt\u0131. Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, (zaman\u0131n tan\u0131m\u0131yla) \u201cradikal demokratlar\u201dla liberallerin yol arkada\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131, sorunlu bir ili\u015fkiydi. \u0130ki \u00f6rnek \u00fczerinden gidelim: Amerika k\u0131tas\u0131nda k\u00f6leli\u011fin ilgas\u0131 ile Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019da genel oy hakk\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonlar\u0131nda Kuzey Amerika\u2019y\u0131 sarsan ve ABD\u2019nin bi\u00e7imleni\u015fine yol a\u00e7an k\u00f6leli\u011fin ilga m\u00fccadelesi ve bunun yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7 sava\u015f, Avrupa liberallerince \u201ckay\u0131ts\u0131zl\u0131kla\u201d kar\u015f\u0131lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00d6zellikle \u0130ngiliz liberalleri, ucuz k\u00f6le eme\u011finin devred\u0131\u015f\u0131 kalmas\u0131n\u0131n tekstil sanayiinin hammaddesinin maliyetini y\u00fckseltece\u011fi kayg\u0131s\u0131yla, \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f\u2019a Britanya\u2019n\u0131n G\u00fcney\u2019in yan\u0131nda m\u00fcdahil olmas\u0131na (utanga\u00e7 da olsa) destek vererek John Stuart Mill\u2019i bu alanda yaln\u0131z b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015flard\u0131<\/a>[15]<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, \u201cMarx\u2019\u0131n partisi\u201d, Kuzey Amerika\u2019daki radikal demokrat Alman g\u00f6\u00e7menler, ilk an\u0131ndan itibaren \u0130\u00e7 sava\u015fta aktif bi\u00e7imde ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 G\u00fcney\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 Kuzey\u2019in yan\u0131nda yer ald\u0131lar, i\u00e7 sava\u015fa Kuzey saflar\u0131nda kat\u0131ld\u0131lar. Marx ise Avrupa\u2019da eri\u015febildi\u011fi yay\u0131n organlar\u0131nda, k\u00f6leli\u011fin ilgas\u0131 lehine ate\u015fli bir propaganda s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Oy hakk\u0131n\u0131n \u201cm\u00fclks\u00fcz s\u0131n\u0131flara, e\u011fitimsizlere do\u011fru geni\u015flemesi talebi, Avrupal\u0131 liberaller ile radikal demokratlar (kom\u00fcnistler) aras\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n \u00e7ok daha vurgulu h\u00e2le geldi\u011fi bir ba\u015fka m\u00fccadele alan\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Modern demokrasiler, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n oy hakk\u0131na sahip olmad\u0131klar\u0131, kimlerin oy verebilece\u011finin, \u00f6zg\u00fcr yurtta\u015f ve m\u00fclk sahibi olma ve\/veya e\u011fitim kriterlerine g\u00f6re belirlendi\u011fi, antik Yunan demokrasisinden daha kapsay\u0131c\u0131 olmayan y\u00f6netimlerdi. \u00d6rne\u011fin Fransa\u2019da 1792\u2019de kabul edilen oy hakk\u0131, yaln\u0131zca yeti\u015fkin erkekleri kaps\u0131yordu; Almanya\u2019da 1848\u2019den itibaren yaln\u0131zca \u201cyoksulluk yard\u0131m\u0131ndan yararlanmayan\u201d yeti\u015fkin erkekler oy hakk\u0131na sahip olmu\u015ftu. Britanya\u2019da oy hakk\u0131 \u00e7ok daha gerilere gider. 1265 y\u0131l\u0131ndan itibaren m\u00fclk sahibi erkekler parlamento se\u00e7imlerinde oy kullanabiliyorlard\u0131. Erkek oylar\u0131nda m\u00fclkiyet kriteri 1918\u2019de la\u011fvedilecek, ve e\u015fit ve evrensel oy hakk\u0131 (kad\u0131n ve erkekler i\u00e7in) ancak 1928\u2019de kabul edilecekti. ABD\u2019de ise eyaletlerin \u00e7o\u011funda yaln\u0131zca m\u00fclk sahibi, beyaz, yeti\u015fkin erkekler oy kullanabilmekteydi. \u201cIrk\u201d kriteri 1870\u2019de, cinsiyet kriteri ise 1920\u2019de kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131, vb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130\u015fin ilgin\u00e7 yan\u0131 \u015fudur ki, liberal kalemlerden pek az\u0131 (bunlardan biri de Stuart Mill\u2019dir) kad\u0131nlara oy hakk\u0131 tan\u0131nmas\u0131ndan yana tutum al\u0131rken, oy hakk\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fclkiyet (ve e\u011fitim) ko\u015fuluna ba\u011flanmas\u0131na hi\u00e7bir 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l liberali kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmaz, hatta (Tocqueville \u00f6rne\u011finde g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz gibi) bunu \u015fiddetle savunur.<\/a>[16]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Yine de radikal demokratlar, ya da kom\u00fcnistler, \u201cnihai hedef\u201d olarak g\u00f6rmeseler ve burjuva demokrasisinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n bilincinde olsalar da, \u0131rk, din, cinsiyet, m\u00fclkiyet, e\u011fitim vb. kriterleriyle s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lmayan e\u015fit ve genel oy hakk\u0131 talebiyle \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015flard\u0131r yola. Engels, Fransa\u2019da \u201coy hakk\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015fletilmesine y\u00f6nelik kampanya \u00fczerine Kas\u0131m 1847 tarihli bir makalesinde \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: \u201cYaln\u0131zca \u2018Radikaller\u2019 genel oyu ve Cumhuriyet h\u00fck\u00fcmetini savunuyor, ve yaln\u0131zca tek bir gazete, R\u00e9forme<\/em> saltemek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 eskisi gibi sefil ko\u015fullarda b\u0131rakacak olan siyasal reformlar\u0131 de\u011fil, \u00e7ok kesin bir dille ifade edien toplumsal reformlar\u0131 destekliyordu.\u201d ( Engels, 1847)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Oysa burjuvazinin siyaset alan\u0131ndaki temsilcili\u011fini \u00fcstlenen liberaller a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan sorun, toprak sahibi aristokrasinin ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 la\u011fvetmek, ve otokratik y\u00f6netimlerin bask\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 azaltmaktan ibarettir. Ve Levin\u2019in (1989: 12) de i\u015faret etti\u011fi \u00fczere,<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cBu bak\u0131mdan iktidar\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131ya do\u011fru yayan bu \u00e7e\u015fitli hareketlerin her biri ve hepsi, niyet itibariyle demokratik olarak nitelenebilir- monar\u015fik iktidara kar\u015f\u0131 parlamenter iktidar, oy hakk\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015fletilmesi, emek\u00e7ilerin kolektif \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme hakk\u0131, liberalizm, sosyalizm, kom\u00fcnizm ve anar\u015fizm m\u00fccadeleleri. 1844 Silezyal\u0131 Dokumac\u0131lar\u0131n \u0130syan\u0131, 1848 Frankfurt Parlamentosu, Britanya\u2019da Chartism ve Owencilik, 1834 Lyons isyanlar\u0131, 1847\u2019de Paris\u2019deki se\u00e7im reformu g\u00f6sterileri- bunlar\u0131n t\u00fcm\u00fc ayn\u0131 kapsaml\u0131 ve tehditk\u00e2r demokratik e\u011filimin farkl\u0131 yans\u0131malar\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. Taktiksel farkl\u0131l\u0131klar, toplumsal k\u00f6kenler ya da nihai hedefe ili\u015fkin niyetler hareket i\u00e7erisinde ciddi siyasal antagonizmalara yol a\u00e7m\u0131yordu. Restorasyon destek\u00e7ilerinin kendilerine yak\u0131\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cd\u00fczen d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131\u201d yaftas\u0131 radikal hareketle bilin\u00e7li bir enternasyonalist \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fimle e\u015fle\u015fiyordu. Eric Hobsbawm \u2018belirli bir noktaya kadar t\u00fcm Avrupa ve Amerikan solu ayn\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanlara kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele etmeyi, ortak \u00f6zlemler beslemeyi ve ortak bir programa sahip olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u2026 En bilin\u00e7li proleter kom\u00fcnistleri dahi kendilerini h\u00e2l\u00e2 genel radikal ve demokratik bir hareketin a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sol kanad\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyor ve normal olarak \u2018burjuva-demokratik\u2019 cumhuriyetin kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 sosyalizme do\u011fru ilerletebilecek vazge\u00e7ilmez bir girizg\u00e2h addediyorlard\u0131.\u201d<\/a>[17]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cKopu\u015f\u201d 1848 devrimleriyle birlikte geldi\u2026 1848 Bahar\u0131, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n pek \u00e7ok \u00fclkesinde liberalleri iktidara ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131. Alttan gelen ayaklanma tehdidiyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kalan hanedanlar, burjuvaziyle uzla\u015fma yolunu se\u00e7ecekti. Burjuvazi, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler alan\u0131n\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na ve k\u00f6yl\u00fclere do\u011fru geni\u015fletilmesinin yeni yeni yerle\u015fmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 iktidar\u0131 i\u00e7in ne denli tehlikeli olabilece\u011fini sezinlemi\u015fti. Bu bak\u0131mdan, iktidar\u0131 eski muar\u0131zlarla, aristokratlarla, kralc\u0131larla, otokratlarla payla\u015fmak daha ak\u0131ll\u0131ca bir i\u015f gibi g\u00f6z\u00fck\u00fcyordu. \u201cMe\u015fruti monar\u015filer\u201d \u00e7a\u011f\u0131 ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Burjuvazi, hedefine b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f, \u00fclkelerinin y\u00f6netiminde etkin pozisyonlara sahip olmu\u015f, serfli\u011fi \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde tasfiye etmi\u015f, ticaret serbestli\u011fini g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na alm\u0131\u015f, g\u00fcmr\u00fck ve vergi politikalar\u0131nda belirleyicilik kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Art\u0131k e\u015fitlik\u00e7i \u00f6zlemlerle sokaklara d\u00f6k\u00fclen eski m\u00fcttefiklerinin, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin taleplerine s\u0131rt \u00e7evirebilirdi. \u201cTek bir b\u00fcrokrat ya da subay g\u00f6revden al\u0131nmad\u0131,\u201d diye yak\u0131n\u0131yor, Engels. \u201cEski b\u00fcrokratik idari sistemde en ufak bir de\u011fi\u015fiklik bile ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmedi.\u201d (akt. Levin, 1989: 25)<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201c\u0130deolojik kopu\u015f\u201du k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede \u00f6rg\u00fctsel ayr\u0131\u015fma izleyecekti. \u201cHem Almanya hem de Fransa\u2019da liberaller proletaryay\u0131 terk etti, bu ikinci de iltifat\u0131 iade etmekte gecikmeyecekti. B\u00f6ylece, Nisan 1849\u2019da K\u00f6ln \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Derne\u011fi oybirli\u011fiyle Almanya Demokratik Dernekler Birli\u011fi\u2019nden \u00e7ekilip Almanya \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Dernekleri Birli\u011fi\u2019ne kat\u0131lma karar\u0131 ald\u0131. (Levin, 1989: 30) Bu \u00f6rne\u011fi, Fransa ve \u0130ngiltere\u2019deki i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6rg\u00fctleri izledi. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, burjuva liberalizmi ile yollar\u0131 ay\u0131r\u0131yordu\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n 1848 Avrupa devrimlerinin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve izleyen bask\u0131 politikalar\u0131 bu yar\u0131lmay\u0131 telafisi imk\u00e2ns\u0131z h\u00e2le getirdi. Burjuvazinin kutsal \u201c\u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201dn\u00fc tehlikede g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc an, \u015feytanla i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapmaktan ka\u00e7\u0131nmayaca\u011f\u0131 net bir bi\u00e7imde a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u2026 Louis Bonaparte ya da Adolf Hitler… \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kendi e\u015fitlik ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck tan\u0131m\u0131yla kendi rotas\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmek, kendi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z hatt\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmak zorundayd\u0131. Bir s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve tahakk\u00fcm bi\u00e7imini bir ba\u015fkas\u0131yla ikame etmeyi hedefleyen ve soyut \u201c\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, E\u015fitlik, Karde\u015flik\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 somut bir s\u0131n\u0131f tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcyle bo\u015fa d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcren<\/a>[18]<\/a> bir \u201cdemokrasi\u201d sevdas\u0131ndan, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z ve s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z bir d\u00fcnya tahayy\u00fcl\u00fcne\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n 1871 ve 1917 bu yolun ilk duraklar\u0131 olacakt\u0131\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n V. \u0130. Lenin Dersleri<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cLiberal burjuvazi bir eliyle reformlar\u0131 bah\u015federken,<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00f6b\u00fcr eliyle onlar\u0131 geri al\u0131r, hi\u00e7e indirger,<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n onlar\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ileri k\u00f6lele\u015ftirmek, b\u00f6lmek<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n ve \u00fccretli k\u00f6leli\u011fi s\u00fcrekli k\u0131lmak i\u00e7in kullan\u0131r.\u201d<\/a>[19]<\/strong><\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n 1917 Sovyet \u0130htilali, bir yan\u0131yla da liberalizmle teorik oldu\u011fu kadar, pratik bir \u201ckopu\u015f\u201d olmu\u015ftur. V. \u0130. Lenin ve Bol\u015feviklerin m\u00fccadelesi, \u00c7arl\u0131k otokrasisine oldu\u011fu kadar, Rusya topraklar\u0131na kapitalizmi yerle\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan liberallere de kar\u015f\u0131yd\u0131. Ve bunu her vesileyle ikircimsiz, net ve kesin bir dille ifade edegelmi\u015flerdir:<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cVars\u0131n liberaller ve kafas\u0131zla\u015fm\u0131\u015f entelekt\u00fceller, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck u\u011fruna ilk ger\u00e7ekten kitlesel meydan sava\u015f\u0131ndan sonra cesaretlerini yitirip, korkak\u00e7a \u015f\u00f6yle desinler: Bir kez yenildi\u011finiz yere gitmeyin, bu u\u011fursuz yola tekrar ayak basmay\u0131n! S\u0131n\u0131f bilin\u00e7li proletarya onlara \u015fu yan\u0131t\u0131 verecektir: Tarihin b\u00fcy\u00fck sava\u015flar\u0131 ve devrimin b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00f6revleri ancak, ileri s\u0131n\u0131flar tekrar tekrar sald\u0131r\u0131ya ge\u00e7tikleri ve yenilgi deneyimiyle ak\u0131llanm\u0131\u015f olarak zaferi kazand\u0131klar\u0131 i\u00e7in yap\u0131labilmi\u015f ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilmi\u015ftir,\u201d<\/a>[20]<\/a> diyen V. \u0130. Lenin\u2019in, \u201cBir liberalin genel olarak demokrasiden s\u00f6z etmesi do\u011fald\u0131r. Bir Marksist ise, \u2018Hangi s\u0131n\u0131f i\u00e7in?\u2019 diye sormaktan hi\u00e7bir zaman geri kalmayacakt\u0131r,\u201d<\/a>[21]<\/a> ele\u015ftirisiyle m\u00fcsemma liberalizm ile sosyalizm iki ayr\u0131 d\u00fcnyad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Liberalizme\/ liberallere kar\u015f\u0131 tav\u0131r konusunda, \u201cBir liberal kendisine k\u00f6t\u00fc muamele edildi\u011fi zaman, tanr\u0131ya \u015f\u00fck\u00fcr dayak atmad\u0131lar diye d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr. Dayak yedi\u011fi zaman ise, \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmedi\u011fi i\u00e7in tanr\u0131ya \u015f\u00fckreder. Ve i\u015f \u00f6l\u00fcme gelecek olursa, bu defa \u00f6l\u00fcms\u00fcz ruhu fani v\u00fccudundan kurtar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in tanr\u0131ya \u015f\u00fckredecektir,\u201d<\/a>[22]<\/a> diye dalga ge\u00e7en V. \u0130. Lenin\u2019in tavr\u0131 nettir!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Hem de \u201cLiberaller i\u015f\u00e7ilere \u2018Sizler toplumun sempatisini kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131zda g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olursunuz,\u2019 derken Marksistler i\u015f\u00e7ilere farkl\u0131 bir \u015fey s\u00f6ylerler, onlara \u015f\u00f6yle derler: \u2018G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc oldu\u011funuzda toplumun sempatisini kazan\u0131rs\u0131n\u0131z\u2019!\u201d<\/a>[23]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu kadar da de\u011fil; dahas\u0131 da var: \u201cGenel olarak liberal burjuvazi ve \u00f6zel olarak liberal burjuva ayd\u0131nlar\u0131, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve me\u015fruiyet i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele ederler; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bunlar olmaks\u0131z\u0131n burjuvazinin egemenli\u011fi tam, b\u00fct\u00fcn ve g\u00fcvenilir de\u011fildir. Ama burjuvazi gericilikten \u00e7ok, y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n hareketinden korkmaktad\u0131r. Liberallerin siyaset alan\u0131ndaki \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131, \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131, mutlak iktidars\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu y\u00fczdendir. Y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n deste\u011fini kazanabilmek i\u00e7in demokrasiye oynamak zorunda olan, ama ayn\u0131 zamanda derinli\u011fine anti-demokratik, y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n hareketine, y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n inisiyatifine, ge\u00e7en y\u00fczy\u0131lda Avrupa\u2019da yer alan y\u0131\u011f\u0131n hareketlerinden birini anlat\u0131rken Marx\u2019\u0131n s\u00f6yledi\u011fi gibi \u2018yeri g\u00f6\u011f\u00fc sarsmalar\u0131na\u2019 derinli\u011fine d\u00fc\u015fman olan liberallerin b\u00fct\u00fcn siyasetine egemen olan bitip t\u00fckenmez dalavereler, ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fck, yalan ve korkak\u00e7a ka\u00e7amaklar bu y\u00fczdendir.\u201d<\/a>[24]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Evet, \u201cKapitalizm, ekonomik ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla toplumsal e\u015fitsizlik ile bi\u00e7imsel e\u015fitli\u011fi birle\u015ftirir. Bu, kapitalizmin burjuvazinin yanda\u015flar\u0131nca, liberallerce, yalanlarla gizlenmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva demokratlarca anla\u015f\u0131lmayan temel \u00f6zelliklerinden biridir,\u201d der ve yine ekler V. \u0130. Lenin (1970b: 73):<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cDevrim bir kez ba\u015flad\u0131ktan sonra, liberaller ve devrimin di\u011fer d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan bile tan\u0131n\u0131r; ama \u00e7o\u011funlukla bunu, aldatmak ve ihanet etmek i\u00e7in yaparlar. Devrimciler ise devrimi, devrimden \u00f6nce \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcrler, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 fark ederler ve kitlelere bunun gereklili\u011fini anlat\u0131rlar, yol ve y\u00f6ntemlerini a\u00e7\u0131klarlar.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcm bunlara kar\u015f\u0131n, \u201cMarksizm, pek \u00e7ok kavram\u0131n\u0131 kendisinden \u00f6nceki ekonomi politik\u00e7ilerden dolay\u0131s\u0131yla liberallerden devralm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ancak Marx, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n toplumu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc ve klasik ekonomi politi\u011fin ele\u015ftirisini geli\u015ftirdi. Ancak bug\u00fcn alg\u0131lanan\u0131n aksine Marx, kendi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini liberalizm kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinden kurmad\u0131, o kapitalizmin i\u015fleyi\u015f yasalar\u0131n\u0131 ve bunun i\u00e7inde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bir toplumsal devrim arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla toplumu de\u011fi\u015ftirebilece\u011fini g\u00f6steriyordu. Marx\u2019tan sonraki Marksistler i\u00e7in de ayn\u0131 durum ge\u00e7erliydi. \u00d6rne\u011fin; Lenin ve Bol\u015fevikler belirli ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda Rusya\u2019daki \u00c7arl\u0131k Rejimi\u2019ne kar\u015f\u0131 liberallerle i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapmay\u0131 dahi uygun g\u00f6r\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Ayr\u0131ca liberal demokrasilerin kendisinden daha gerici rejimlere kar\u015f\u0131 savunulmas\u0131 Marksistler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan vazge\u00e7ilmez bir g\u00f6revdi. (\u2026) Sosyalistler bir yandan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler i\u00e7in gerekirse liberallerle de yan yana gelerek m\u00fccadele eder, bir yandan da somut bir ger\u00e7eklik olan neo-liberalizmin y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele ederler \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele somut bir m\u00fccadeledir,\u201d (\u00d6zinan\u0131r 2010) tarz\u0131 c\u00fcmleler kurabilmek, \u201cg\u00fcn\u00fc kurtarmak\u201d ad\u0131na Marx\u2019\u0131, Lenin\u2019i tahrif etmek de\u011fil midir? \u201cYetmez ama evet liberalizmi\u201dyle Karl Marx\u2019\u0131, V. \u0130. Lenin\u2019i birlikte telaffuz etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilir mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ele\u015ftirel De\u011finiler<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cEle\u015ftirel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce yok olmaz.<\/em>\u201d<\/a>[25]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Carl Edward Sagan\u2019\u0131n, \u201cE\u011fer ki, bize baz\u0131 \u015feylerin do\u011fru oldu\u011funu iddia edenlere otorite sahiplerinden \u015f\u00fcphe duyman\u0131z\u0131 sa\u011flayan \u015f\u00fcpheci sorular sorma becerisinde de\u011filsek, bu durumda \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze gelen ilk \u015farlatan politikac\u0131 veya dindara kanmaya a\u00e7\u0131k oluruz,\u201d uyar\u0131s\u0131 kapsam\u0131nda ele al\u0131nmas\u0131 gereken liberalizm i\u00e7in Jean Paul Sartre\u2019\u0131n \u201cLiberal i\u011fren\u00e7 bir s\u00f6zc\u00fckt\u00fcr,\u201d deyi\u015fi kadar ileri gitmeyece\u011fiz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ancak Murathan Mungan\u2019\u0131n ifadesiyle, \u201cPast\u00f6rize edilmi\u015f sa\u011fc\u0131lara liberal deniyor\u201dken; Noam Chomsky (2013: 135) de, \u201cBurjuva liberalizm ekollerinin \u00f6vd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bireyci, bencil, s\u00fcfli ve uydurma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201de dikkat \u00e7eker!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Emile Zola\u2019n\u0131n (1992: 48), \u201cBug\u00fcn de burjuvazi, liberalizm \u00e7\u0131lg\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla, yak\u0131p y\u0131kma h\u0131rs\u0131yla, halka yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 dalkavuklukla ayn\u0131 budalaca rol\u00fc oynuyor\u201d; Friedrich Nietzsche\u2019nin, \u201cLiberalizm, insan\u0131n s\u00fcr\u00fc hayvan\u0131na indirgenmesidir\u201d; Yuval Noah Harari\u2019nin (2017), \u201c\u00c7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n en yayg\u0131n dini olan liberalizm, bireylerin \u00f6znel hislerini kutsal olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi \u00fcst\u00fcn otoritenin de kayna\u011f\u0131 olarak kabul eder,\u201d s\u00f6zleri, liberalizmin yaln\u0131zca Marksistler nezdinde de\u011fil, ge\u00e7 modern \u00e7a\u011f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerinin \u00e7o\u011fu nezdinde hi\u00e7 de muteber olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sahi Liberalizm Nedir?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201c\u0130nsan akl\u0131n<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 zorlamad\u0131k\u00e7a<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n hi\u00e7 bir \u015feye ula\u015famaz<\/em>.\u201d<\/a>[26]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Lewis Wolpert\u2019in, \u201cDo\u011fru oldu\u011fu varsay\u0131m\u0131 herhangi bir temele dayanm\u0131yorsa, bir \u00f6nerme do\u011fru kabul edilemez,\u201d saptamas\u0131yla \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fen liberalizm nedir (mi)?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Serbest rekabet\u00e7ili\u011fiyle, de facto toplumsal adaletsizli\u011fe ve e\u015fitsizli\u011fe yol a\u00e7an liberalizmin a\u00e7 karn\u0131na savunulmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir; o, toklar\u0131n, s\u00f6m\u00fcrenlerin ideolojik hatt\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Paran\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7 anlam\u0131na geldi\u011fi ideolojidir. Do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi servetin belirli ellerde toplanmas\u0131 garantidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Michel Foucault\u2019nun (2015: 266), \u201cKu\u015fkusuz, liberalizmin k\u00f6keninde ekonomik analizden daha ziyade hukuk\u00ee analiz de yatm\u0131yor. Liberalizmi do\u011furan, s\u00f6zle\u015fmeye dayal\u0131 politik bir toplum fikri de\u011fil. Fakat liberal y\u00f6netim teknolojisi aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 kapsam\u0131nda, hukuki bi\u00e7imli d\u00fczenlemenin y\u00f6neticilerin bilgeli\u011finden ya da makull\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden \u00e7ok daha etkili oldu\u011fu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. (Fizyokratlarsa hukuka ve hukuk\u00ee kurumlara \u015f\u00fcpheyle yakla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, bu d\u00fczenlemeyi kurumsal olarak yetkileri s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z olan despotun uymak zorunda oldu\u011fu apa\u00e7\u0131k bir hakikat olan \u2018do\u011fal\u2019 ekonomik kanunlarda aramaya y\u00f6nelmi\u015fti.) Liberalizm bu d\u00fczenlemeyi \u2018kanunda\u2019 arad\u0131. Fakat bu kendi altyap\u0131s\u0131nda hukuk\u00e7uluk oldu\u011fundan de\u011fil, kanun, \u00f6zel, bireysel ve istisna\u00ee m\u00fcdahaleleri ortadan kald\u0131ran genel m\u00fcdahale bi\u00e7imleri belirledi\u011fi ve parlamenter d\u00fczende y\u00f6netilenlerin kanunun haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131na i\u015ftiraki en etkin y\u00f6netim ekonomisi oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in,\u201d notunu d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc liberalizm kurtla kuzunun ayn\u0131 a\u011f\u0131la konmalar\u0131n\u0131, herhangi birinin m\u00fcdahalesi olmaks\u0131z\u0131n \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrce\u201d ya\u015famalar\u0131n\u0131 savunan bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme bi\u00e7imidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Hatta kuzular g\u00fc\u00e7lenmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman a\u011f\u0131l sahibinin kurtlara yard\u0131m etmesinde bir soru(n) g\u00f6rmezler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Teoride savunduklar\u0131 hi\u00e7bir zaman prati\u011fe uymam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde devletin etkisine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlarken, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n her yerinde sermaye sahiplerinin devleti etkilemesine, hatta bizzat devlet olmas\u0131na yolu a\u00e7m\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Kazan\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131racak yasalar \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131rlar. Geriletilen i\u015f\u00e7i haklar\u0131, vergi indirimleri, te\u015fvikler, ihaleler, batan bankalara yard\u0131mlar s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda devlet m\u00fcdahalesinden hi\u00e7 rahats\u0131z olmazlar. Devlet m\u00fcdahalesine sadece alt ekonomik s\u0131n\u0131flar i\u00e7in bir \u015fey yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ayn\u0131 muhafazak\u00e2rlar gibi d\u00fcnyay\u0131 yaln\u0131zca kendi pen\u00e7elerinden g\u00f6r\u00fcrler. Halk\u0131n y\u00fczde 5\u2019inin zenginli\u011fini, d\u00fcnyadaki 200 \u00fclkeden ta\u015f \u00e7atlasa 5-10 tanesinin refah\u0131n\u0131 kendi ekonomik sistemlerinin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcrler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n D\u00fcnyan\u0131n geri kalan\u0131ndaki fakirlik ve \u00f6l\u00fcmler pahas\u0131na var olan zenginli\u011fi, yeri geldi\u011finde kendi i\u00e7inde Evanjelizm ve KKK, yeri geldi\u011finde de Taliban, El Kaide gibi olu\u015fumlar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7an devlet politikalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ill\u00fczyonuyla pazarlarlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Adam Smith, David Ricardo, John Locke, Thomas Hobbes, John Stuart Mill, Ludwig Von Mises, Friedrich August Von Hayek, Milton Friedman, Bryan \u00c7aplan, Michael Huemer, Joseph Salerno, Robert Murphy, Murray Rothbard, Hans-Hermann Hoppe, Gordon T\u00fcllock, Jeffrey Tucker, Anthony De Jasay, Edward Stringham, Walter Block gibi onlarca liberal teorisyen ve tilmizleri benzer kafadad\u0131rlar. Gerekli g\u00f6rd\u00fcklerinde ne Nazilerle i\u015fbirli\u011fi i\u00e7ine girmekten \u00e7ekinmi\u015flerdir, ne de Augusto Pinochet\u2019yi desteklemekten!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yeri geldi neo-liberal politikalar\u0131n fikri babalar\u0131ndan Friedrich Hayek\u2019in, Reagan iktidara geldikten sonra verdi\u011fi bir r\u00f6portaja bakal\u0131m: 1981\u2019de \u015eili\u2019de yay\u0131mlanan \u2018El Mercurio\u2019 ile yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 r\u00f6portajda \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc\u201d Hayek, \u015eili\u2019de sosyalist Allende h\u00fck\u00fcmetini deviren Pinochet darbesini \u015f\u00f6yle savunuyordu:<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201c\u015eunu s\u00f6yleyebilirim ki, uzun d\u00f6nemli kurumlar olarak diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklere tamam\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131y\u0131m. Fakat diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck bir ge\u00e7i\u015f d\u00f6nemi i\u00e7in zaruri bir sistem olabilir. Kimi zaman bir \u00fclke i\u00e7in, \u015fu veya bu bi\u00e7imdeki bir diktac\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fcn bir s\u00fcreli\u011fine mevcut olmas\u0131 zorunludur. Sizin de anlayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131z \u00fczere, bir diktat\u00f6r\u00fcn liberal yoldan y\u00f6netimde bulunmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, bir demokrasinin de liberalizmden tamam\u0131yla yoksun olarak y\u00f6netimde bulunmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. \u015eahsen ben, liberal bir diktat\u00f6r\u00fc, liberalizmin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 demokratik bir y\u00f6netime tercih ederim. Ki\u015fisel izlenimime g\u00f6re – G\u00fcney Amerika i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir bu – \u00f6rne\u011fin \u015eili\u2019de, diktac\u0131 y\u00f6netimden liberal bir y\u00f6netime ge\u00e7i\u015fe tan\u0131k olaca\u011f\u0131z. Bu ge\u00e7i\u015f d\u00f6nemi boyunca belirli diktac\u0131 yetkilerin daim\u00ee olarak de\u011fil de, ge\u00e7ici bir d\u00fczenleme bi\u00e7imi olarak muhafaza edilmeleri zorunlu olabilir.\u201d<\/a>[27]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Devam edelim: \u201cOrtak \u00e7\u0131kar, bireylerin insanl\u0131klar\u0131na dayal\u0131 de\u011fildir; bencilliklerine dayal\u0131d\u0131r. Ak\u015fam yeme\u011fimizi sofram\u0131zda bulmam\u0131z\u0131n sebebi, kasab\u0131n; birac\u0131n\u0131n veya f\u0131r\u0131nc\u0131n\u0131n c\u00f6mertli\u011finden de\u011fil, onlar\u0131n kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na olan d\u00fc\u015fk\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcndendir,\u201d diyen Adam Smith\u2019in (1985) \u201cgizli eli\u201d ile kontrol edildi\u011fi \u201ciddia\u201d edilen liberal dictum,<\/em> yani \u201cserbest piyasa\u201d m\u00fclk\u00fc olan\u0131 koruyup; paras\u0131 ve g\u00fcc\u00fc olanlar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc emek\u00e7ileri rahat\u00e7a s\u00f6m\u00fcrmesi i\u00e7in a\u00e7acak do\u011frultuda \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yani Friedman\u2019lar\u0131, Hayek\u2019leriyle Margaret Thatcher\u2019\u0131 yaratan liberal \u00f6\u011freti i\u00e7in \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc birey\u201d, \u201czay\u0131f devlet\u201d, \u201chukukun \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201d, \u201ckuvvetler ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d, \u201cifade \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201d, \u201cdin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201d, \u201cbas\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201d, \u201cm\u00fclkiyet hakk\u0131\u201d, \u201c\u015feffafl\u0131k\u201d, \u201chesap verebilirlik\u201d, \u201ctolerans\u201d, \u201cinsan haklar\u0131\u201dn\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131fsal anlam\u0131 vard\u0131r; \u201cgenellemeleri\u201d beyhude ve pazarl\u0131\u011fa tabidir!<\/p>\n\n\n\n K\u0131saca b\u00fcy\u00fck bal\u0131\u011f\u0131n k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bal\u0131\u011f\u0131 yemesi demektir. Her koyun kendi baca\u011f\u0131ndan as\u0131l\u0131r sistemidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6zetle sermayenin kendini koruma bi\u00e7imlerinden birisidir liberalizm ve zenginler i\u00e7in \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckt\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cSerbestli\u011fi \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck,\u201d diye yutturma; g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcn\u00fcn zay\u0131f\u0131 yedi\u011fi orman kanunlar\u0131n\u0131 uygar g\u00f6stermedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Zenginin daha da zenginle\u015fmesi, yoksulun daha da yoksulla\u015fmas\u0131 ve yoksunla\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. Daha fazlas\u0131 ya da az\u0131 de\u011fil!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Liberalizm, \u201cHerkes kendinden sorumludur,\u201d deyip; i\u015fin i\u00e7inden \u00e7\u0131kar. H\u00e2lden anlamaz. \u201c\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131\u201d negatiftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sosyal Darwinizmi savunur: Toplum ko\u015fullar\u0131na ayak uyduramayan bireyler, yok olurlar, bundan da kimseyi sorumlu tutamazlar. Bunun sorumlusu da sadece kendileridir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bunlar\u0131n yan\u0131nda liberalizm her zaman muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131kla el ele gitmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Margaret Thatcher partisi\u2019nin ad\u0131n\u0131 nedir? Muhafazak\u00e2r Parti!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ronald Regan hangi partiden se\u00e7ildi? Muhafazak\u00e2rlar\u0131n oy verdi\u011fi Cumhuriyet\u00e7i Parti\u2019den!<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cYerli\u201d versiyonlar\u0131nda, Rasim Ozan K\u00fctahyal\u0131 ile Nagehan Al\u00e7\u0131 liberaldir! Besim Tibuk, Cem Toker de \u00f6yle\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ve Heywood C. Broun\u2019a g\u00f6re, \u201cLiberal, kavga \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda s\u0131v\u0131\u015fan kimsedir.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu co\u011frafyadaki epigonlar\u0131n bolca sergiledi\u011fi \u00fczere, Mehmet Barlas\u2019l\u0131, Engin Ard\u0131\u00e7\u2019l\u0131, Atilla Yayla\u2019l\u0131 omurgas\u0131z mu\u011flakl\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yani \u201cLiberallik nas\u0131l bir \u015feydir\u201din tan\u0131m\u0131 \u00e7ok geni\u015ftir!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kimilerine g\u00f6re de, nas\u0131l tahayy\u00fcl ediyorsa \u00f6yledir!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu tabloda \u201cGer\u00e7ek liberalizm bu de\u011fil,\u201d \u00e7\u0131rp\u0131n\u0131\u015flar\u0131 bir \u015fey anlatmaz!<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cGer\u00e7ek liberalizm \u015fudur,\u201d izahatlar\u0131 sadece zaman kayb\u0131d\u0131r!<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck De\u011fil; Serbesti!<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cDolar ile ya\u015fam<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya geldiler<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n dolar kazand\u0131<\/em>.\u201d<\/a>[28]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cG\u00f6r\u00fcnmez -denilen- el\u201din kadife i\u00e7indeki demir yumru\u011fu\/ veya \u00f6k\u00e7esi olarak liberalizm ekonomik olarak bireyin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nde tuttu\u011funu \u201ciddia\u201d ederse de; \u201cHangi bireyin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131?\u201d sorusuna yan\u0131t veremez!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bertolt Brecht\u2019in, \u201c\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck neye yarar, ya\u015farsa bir arada \u00f6zg\u00fcrlerle tutsaklar?\u201d dizelerinden bihaber liberalizmde asl\u00ee \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck zenginin fakiri s\u00f6m\u00fcrme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130nsanlara a\u00e7 kalma kayd\u0131yla \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmama \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tan\u0131yan liberalizm \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckten bahsedip durur da; \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131fsal oldu\u011funu \u201ces\u201d ge\u00e7er.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Evet bireysel \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckten bahseder, ama toplumsal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck en b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131d\u0131r. Ekonomide devlet m\u00fcdahalesini istemez; fakat her krizde s\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131nca devletten medet umar. \u00d6rne\u011fin liberalizmin \u201cmabedi\u201d ABD\u2019de devlet her yerdedir ve \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na\/ bekas\u0131na uygun olmayan her \u015feye m\u00fcdahale eder, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri ask\u0131ya al\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6zetle \u201cLiberalizm = \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fckt\u00fcr\u201d form\u00fcl\u00fc, as\u0131ls\u0131z bir genellemedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Burada yeri gelmi\u015fken, \u0130\u015faya \u00dc\u015f\u00fcr\u2019\u00fcn (2018: 4) \u00f6nemli uyar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 aktaral\u0131m: \u201cLiberty\u2019nin kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018serbestiyet\u2019tir; \u2018\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u2019 de\u011fil.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130fade edilen \u201cserbestiye\u201d de, insanlar i\u00e7in de\u011fil sermaye i\u00e7in \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclen bir kavramd\u0131r. Liberalizmin temeli, toplum bireylerinin de\u011fil sermayenin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engelleri kald\u0131rarak yeni pazarlar yaratma d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesidir ki bunun da zaten insan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcyle do\u011frudan bir ilgisi yoktur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ancak unutulmamal\u0131d\u0131r: Sermaye \u00f6zg\u00fcrse, \u00f6zg\u00fcr birey yoktur; \u00f6zg\u00fcr olan sermaye sahipleri vard\u0131r; bir de \u00f6zg\u00fcr olamayan m\u00fclks\u00fczler! Bireyin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc toplumda i\u015ftigal etti\u011fi yer ve konumla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r, buna da s\u0131n\u0131fsal konum deniliyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n John Locke, John Stuart Mill\u2019iyle liberalizmin, \u201cEkonomide ki\u015fisel serbestlik ile bireysel davran\u0131\u015flarda \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc savundu\u011fu\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, yayg\u0131n ve kocaman bir yaland\u0131r. O \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck de\u011fil serbestlik vaat eder, g\u00fcc\u00fc olana. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc liberalizmin \u201czengin olabilme hakk\u0131\u201d denilen \u015feydir asl\u0131nda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6zel m\u00fclkiyet ile \u00fcretkenli\u011fi kutsayan serbest te\u015febb\u00fcs\u00fcn liberalizmi s\u00f6m\u00fcrme, ya\u011fmalama ve talan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey ol(a)mad\u0131, olamazd\u0131 da.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kald\u0131 ki t\u00fcm sosyal ba\u011flardan kopmu\u015f, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc koruma ve sosyal g\u00fcvenceden yoksun, eme\u011fini satmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman a\u00e7, kaderi sermayenin insaf\u0131na terkedilmi\u015f, ekonomik planda \u00f6zerk olmayan, meta denizinde bo\u011fulmamak i\u00e7in s\u00fcrekli debelenen bireyin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden, oradan hareketle de toplumsal refahtan s\u00f6z edilebilir mi? Evet, liberaller i\u00e7in \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck kocaman bir yalandan ibarettir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6rne\u011fin \u201cBa\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ABD\u2019nin ilk 36 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n 34\u2019\u00fcndeki ba\u015fkanlar k\u00f6le sahibiydi… K\u00f6le ticaretinden b\u00fcy\u00fck servetler edinenlerin bir de liberalizm \u015fampiyonu say\u0131lmalar\u0131 ne anlama gelebilirdi?\u201d<\/a>[29]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6zetle liberalizm, kapitalistlerin insanlara sundu\u011fu sahte bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck vaadi, bir \u201cAmerikan R\u00fcyas\u0131\u201dd\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bir \u015fey daha: \u201cFa\u015fizm \u00f6z\u00fcne indirgenmi\u015f liberal devlettir,\u201d<\/a>[30]<\/a> der Fran\u00e7ois Chatelet ve \u201cNeo-liberal fa\u015fistler\u201dden<\/a>[31]<\/a> s\u00f6z eder Komutan Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 Marcos da! \u201cNeo-liberal sermaye birikim rejimi\u201d ve \u201ckapitalist devlet\u201d \u015fahs\u0131nda liberalizm deyince bunlara da kafa yormak gerekmez mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kapitalizmin tarihi, \u201cserbest piyasa ekonomisi\u201dnin i\u015fleyi\u015finin tehlikeye d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc her momentte, \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc\u201dl\u00fckten vazge\u00e7erek fa\u015fizm sopas\u0131na sar\u0131lan pek \u00e7ok liberale tan\u0131kl\u0131k etti. Nihayetinde Marx zaman\u0131ndan bu yana, liberalizmin \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler\u201d g\u00fcndeminde sermayenin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc birincil ve tek \u00f6nceli\u011fi olu\u015fturmuyor mu?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, liberalizm ile fa\u015fizm aras\u0131ndaki tarihsel ba\u011f kapitalizmdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Co\u011frafyam\u0131zda, Son Y\u0131llarda\u2026<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cBiz ayk\u0131r\u0131ya,<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n ayr\u0131nt\u0131ya, ayr\u0131ks\u0131ya,<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n az\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa tutkunuz<\/em>.\u201d<\/a>[32]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Ya co\u011frafyam\u0131zda m\u0131? Hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok ki \u00f6zellikle 12 Eyl\u00fcl darbesi \u201czor\u201duyla (neo-) liberal ekonomiye ge\u00e7i\u015f yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zdan bu yana, liberalizmin kaypak dengelerini deneyimle olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 fazlas\u0131yla bulduk.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc hep sa\u011fa d\u00f6nerek \u201cdemokrasi\u201d aramak!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sonra \u201cElveda\u201d \u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131rtkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ve \u201cYetmez ama evet\u201d AKP\u2019cili\u011fi!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yani Birikim Dergisi\u2019nin AKP\u2019nin iktidara geldi\u011fi 3 Kas\u0131m 2002\u2019de \u201cMuhafazak\u00e2r demokrat ink\u0131l\u00e2p\u201d<\/a>[33]<\/a> man\u015fetiyle \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; Ahmet \u0130nsel\u2019in (2002) de, \u201c3 Kas\u0131m se\u00e7imlerinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 tablo, beklenmedik bi\u00e7imde, 12 Eyl\u00fcl rejiminden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 aralad\u0131\u2026 12 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019den \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n, T\u00fcrkiye cumhuriyet tarihinin ba\u015fat kutupla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n etkisini kaybetmesiyle, yerini daha ola\u011fan kutupla\u015fma ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma dinamiklerine b\u0131rakmas\u0131yla birlikte ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi, \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm e\u015fi\u011fidir,\u201d saptamas\u0131n\u0131 bilmeyen, duymayan var m\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Uzatmay\u0131p, dural\u0131m burada!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Tarih 1 Nisan 2013\u2019de AKP \u0130stanbul \u0130l Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Aziz Babu\u015fcu, \u201c10 y\u0131ll\u0131k iktidar d\u00f6nemimizde bizimle \u015fu ya da bu \u015fekilde bizimle payda\u015f olanlar, gelecek 10 y\u0131lda bizimle payda\u015f olmayacaklar. Onlar da \u015fu ya da bu \u015fekilde her ne kadar bizi hazmedemeseler de; diyelim ki liberal kesimler, \u015fu ya da bu \u015fekilde bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te bir \u015fekilde payda\u015f oldular ancak gelecek in\u015fa d\u00f6nemidir. \u0130n\u015fa d\u00f6nemi onlar\u0131n arzu etti\u011fi gibi olmayacak,\u201d dedi ve bu bir i\u015faret fi\u015fe\u011fiydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 2002-2015 kesitinde en parlak zamanlar\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fayan liberaller ve kimi \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r demokratlar\u201d, 2015\u2019ten sonra AKP\u2019nin bir kenara itmesiyle sudan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f bal\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6nd\u00fcler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130zzet-i itibar, iktidar \u00e7evrelerinden pe\u015fi s\u0131ra gelen konu\u015fma davetleri, STK\u2019lar\u0131na aktar\u0131lan kaynaklar\u0131 ile vb\u2019leri b\u0131\u00e7ak gibi kesildi. Sonra da AKP iktidar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 kendilerini muhalefete eklemleme \u00e7abas\u0131na giri\u015ftiler. Bunun i\u00e7in \u00f6zele\u015ftiri yapma gere\u011fi de duymad\u0131lar. Onlara g\u00f6re kendileri de\u011fil iktidar de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015fti; ne g\u00fczel \u201ca\u00e7\u0131klama\u201d de\u011fil mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Asl\u0131nda soru(n) \u015fuydu: Liberaller sadece AKP\u2019ye mi destek verdi? Turgut \u00d6zal\u2019a, Fetullah G\u00fclen\u2019e, tarikatlara verilen destek neydi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6zetle, T\u00fcrkiye \u201cnihayet vesayet rejiminden kurtulup serbest piyasa ekonomisini kuruyoruz\u201d sevincindeki liberallerin deste\u011fiyle siyasal \u0130sl\u00e2mc\u0131 bir rejime y\u00f6nelen ilk \u00f6rnek olarak tarihe ge\u00e7ti!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Son Not<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cTutkular\u0131n\u0131zdan ve hayallerinizden<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n vazge\u00e7meyin. E\u011fer vazge\u00e7erseniz,<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n bedeniniz bu d\u00fcnyada var olsa da,<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131z son bulur<\/em>.\u201d<\/a>[34]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cKimse \u00f6zg\u00fcr oldu\u011funu sanan k\u00f6leler kadar \u00fcmitsizce k\u00f6lele\u015ftirilmemi\u015ftir,\u201d der Johann Wolfgang von Goethe; ki liberallerin kapitalizm ile ili\u015fkisi de bu kapsamda ele al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n Elbette akl\u0131n ve ele\u015ftirinin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 bask\u0131c\u0131 kurumlarla \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 zorunlu k\u0131lar. Ancak bask\u0131c\u0131 kurumlar\u0131 var eden ekonomi-politi\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele prati\u011fiyle birlikte, elbette\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n O h\u00e2lde kapitalist d\u00fczenin ekonomi-politi\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131 radikal tav\u0131r almad\u0131k\u00e7a d\u00fczen-i\u00e7i muhalefet ufkunun fevkal\u00e2de s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 oldu\u011fu, sosyalist muhalefetin de bu noktay\u0131 g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmemesi ya\u015famsal \u00f6nemdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yerk\u00fcre ile co\u011frafyam\u0131zda ya\u015fananlar, muhalefet a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u201cg\u00f6kkubbe alt\u0131nda kaos var, ko\u015fullar m\u00fckemmel\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc an\u0131msat\u0131rken; cesaretin \u00f6nemini bir kez daha vurguluyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Tam bu noktada liberaller gibi -olup olmayaca\u011f\u0131 da \u015faibeli!- erken se\u00e7im talebi yerine, kapitalist rejimde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan istikrars\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131, i\u00e7 kavgay\u0131; \u201cB\u00fct\u00fcn peygamberler \u00e7oband\u0131. Hepiniz \u00e7obans\u0131n\u0131z, hepiniz s\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fczden mesuls\u00fcn\u00fcz,\u201d<\/a>[35]<\/a> diyen totaliterli\u011fi g\u00f6zeten bir yerden ele almak gerekmiyor mu?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ger\u00e7e\u011fin ne olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n izah\u0131nda ve olmas\u0131 gereken yolda de\u011fi\u015f(tiril)mesi i\u00e7in g\u00f6rme ve g\u00f6sterme praksisi olarak radikal sosyalizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan as\u0131ls\u0131z\/imk\u00e2ns\u0131z liberal demokrasi yaygaralar\u0131 yerine Che Guevara\u2019n\u0131n ifadesiyle, \u201cYap\u0131lacak ba\u015fka bir devrim yoktur, devrim ya sosyalisttir ya da bir karikat\u00fcrd\u00fcr,\u201d (L\u00f6wy 2004) duru\u015fu biricik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yoludur; Marx\u2019dan, Lenin\u2019den beri\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n 26 A\u011fustos 2021 11:59:32, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n\n\n\n KAYNAK\u00c7A<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Ba\u015fkaya, Fikret (2020) Eko-Sosyalist Paradigma- Kom\u00fcnist Topluma Giden Yol<\/em>, Yordam Kitap, 2020.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Chomsky, Noam (2013). Anar\u015fizm \u00dczerine<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Tamer Tosun, Agora Kitapl\u0131\u011f\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Duncan, G. (1973). Marx and Mill. <\/em>Cambridge.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Engels, F. (1967) Ailenin, \u00d6zel M\u00fclkiyetin, Devletin K\u00f6keni.<\/em> Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n – (2018). Alman K\u00f6yl\u00fc Sava\u015f\u0131.<\/em> Yordam Kitap.<\/p>\n\n\n\n – (1847) \u201cThe Reform Movement in France, Collected Works, <\/em>c.6.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Erkin, Aytun\u00e7 (2021). \u201cErdo\u011fan Kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 \u2018Liberalin\u2019 Tarihi\u201d, S\u00f6zc\u00fc<\/em>, 6 Mart 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Femia, Joseph V. (1992). Marxism and Democracy,<\/em> Clarendon Press.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Foucault, Michel (2015). Biyopolitikan\u0131n Do\u011fu\u015fu<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Alican Tayla, \u0130stanbul Bilgi \u00dcniversitesi Yay., 2015<\/p>\n\n\n\n Gaus, Gerald, S. D. Courtland ve D. Schmidtz (2020). \u201cLiberalism\u201d, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. <\/em>Edward N. Zalta (ed.), https:\/\/plato.stanford.edu\/archives\/fall2020\/entries\/liberalism\/.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Haque, M. Mohibul (2011). \u201cBeyond Liberalism: Contemporary Relevance of Marxism\u201d, Indian Journal of Political Science<\/em> c. 45: 1-2.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Harari, Yuval Noah (2017). Hayvanlardan Tanr\u0131lara: Sapiens<\/em>, \u00e7ev: Ertu\u011frul Gen\u00e7, Kolektif Kitap.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Hayward, Jack (1991). After the French Revolution: Six Critics of Democracy and Nationalism (New York: New York U.P.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130nsel, Ahmet (2002) \u201cOla\u011fanla\u015fan Demokrasi ve Modern Muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k\u201d, Birikim Dergisi<\/em>, No: 163-164, Kas\u0131m\/Aral\u0131k 2002.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Lenin, V.I. 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