Kapitalist \u00dcretim Bi\u00e7imi ve Bilincin Tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kapitalist \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imi yaln\u0131zca ekonomik bir sistem de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir bilin\u00e7 \u00fcretim mekanizmas\u0131d\u0131r. Marx\u2019\u0131n ifadesiyle, h\u00e2kim fikirler h\u00e2kim s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n fikirleridir. Bu nedenle kapitalizmin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilirli\u011fi yaln\u0131zca art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretimine de\u011fil, bu s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na da ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Modern burjuva ideolojisi, bu me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde kimlik siyaseti \u00fczerinden yeniden kurmaktad\u0131r. Kimlik, s\u0131n\u0131fsal konumun \u00fczerini \u00f6rten, toplumsal antagonizmay\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrel alana hapseden bir ideolojik form i\u015flevi g\u00f6rmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, Antonio Gramsci\u2019nin hegemonya kavram\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir: Egemen s\u0131n\u0131f, zor ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 kadar r\u0131za \u00fcretim ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 da kullanarak iktidar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcr. Kimlik siyaseti, bu r\u0131zan\u0131n g\u00fcncel bi\u00e7imidir; emek\u00e7ilerin ortak d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n\u0131 unutturman\u0131n en incelikli y\u00f6ntemidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kimliklerin G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc: Sermayenin Liberal Maskesi<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kapitalizm, \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinden do\u011fan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ger\u00e7e\u011fini gizlemek i\u00e7in insanlar\u0131 kimliksel farkl\u0131l\u0131klar etraf\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Liberal ideoloji bu durumu \u00e7o\u011fulculuk, temsilde adalet ve \u00e7e\u015fitlilik gibi s\u00f6ylemlerle me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Oysa bu kavramlar, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetine dokunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn bi\u00e7imini de\u011fil yaln\u0131zca g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fi\u015ftirir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bir politikac\u0131n\u0131n kimli\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 bireysel bir hak olabilir; ancak bu a\u00e7\u0131klama s\u0131n\u0131f eksenine oturmad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, d\u00fczenin i\u00e7inde temsili \u00e7o\u011fulculuktan \u00f6teye ge\u00e7mez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kimlik siyaseti, s\u0131n\u0131fsal e\u015fitsizli\u011fi k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir fark meselesi gibi sunarak m\u00fccadeleyi \u00fcretim alan\u0131ndan temsiliyet alan\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
B\u00f6ylece sermaye-emek \u00e7eli\u015fkisi, farkl\u0131 kimliklerin bir arada ya\u015fama sorunuymu\u015f gibi yeniden \u00e7er\u00e7evelenir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu, klasik anlamda bir ideolojik ayg\u0131t i\u015flevi g\u00f6r\u00fcr: S\u0131n\u0131f bilincinin yerine kimlik bilinci ge\u00e7irilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Egemen Kimli\u011fin S\u0131n\u0131fsal Niteli\u011fi<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Her toplumda egemen kimlik, o toplumun egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ideolojik bi\u00e7imleni\u015fini yans\u0131t\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
T\u00fcrkiye \u00f6zelinde makbul vatanda\u015f kimli\u011fi \u2014T\u00fcrkl\u00fck, S\u00fcnnilik ve heteronormatif ataerkil de\u011ferlerle \u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f h\u00e2kim kimlik\u2014 sermaye d\u00fczeninin tarihsel s\u00fcreklili\u011finin ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu kimlik, yaln\u0131zca k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir norm de\u011fil, s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir hegemonya arac\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Devletin ideolojik ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 (e\u011fitim, medya, din, hukuk vb.) bu egemen kimli\u011fi yeniden \u00fcretir. Alt kimliklerin g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ise bu yap\u0131n\u0131n istikrar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan her zaman tehdit olarak kodlan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu nedenle kimlik temelli talepler d\u00fczen a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan iki \u015fekilde i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcr:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Radikal s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kesen bir emniyet supab\u0131,<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Sistemin kendi me\u015fruiyetini g\u00fcncellemesine yarayan bir reform alan\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Tarihsel \u00f6rnekler bu i\u015flevi a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6sterir. Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n son d\u00f6neminde \u201cErmeniler \u015f\u0131mard\u0131\u201d s\u00f6ylemi, bir ulusal g\u00fcvenlik meselesinden \u00e7ok, m\u00fclk sahibi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n e\u015fit yurtta\u015fl\u0131k talebine duydu\u011fu korkunun \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Cumhuriyet d\u00f6nemi boyunca da benzer bi\u00e7imde, \u201cirtica\u201d, \u201cb\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck\u201d veya \u201ckom\u00fcnizm\u201d su\u00e7lamalar\u0131yla emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme giri\u015fimleri bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bug\u00fcn \u201ckimlik siyaseti \u00fclkeyi b\u00f6ler\u201d diyenlerin arg\u00fcman\u0131 da ayn\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131fsal refleksi ta\u015f\u0131r: Sermaye d\u00fczenini sarsacak bir e\u015fitlik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinden duyulan korku.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kimlik M\u00fccadelesinin S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131: Temsilden Devrime<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kimliklerin e\u015fitli\u011fi, demokratik m\u00fccadelenin zorunlu bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r; ancak bu e\u015fitlik, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fclkiyet ili\u015fkilerine dokunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece devrimci de\u011fil, reformist bir karakter ta\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kapitalist sistem, kimliklerin g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc tan\u0131yarak de\u011fil, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkilerini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrerek ya\u015far.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
K\u00fcrt ya da Alevi kimli\u011fine sahip birinin sermaye s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na ait olmas\u0131, K\u00fcrt ya da Alevi bir b\u00fcrokrat\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, yoksul K\u00fcrtlerin ya da emek\u00e7i Alevilerin ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu, Lenin\u2019in deyimiyle, burjuva demokrasisinin bi\u00e7imsel e\u015fitli\u011finin \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7emez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ger\u00e7ek \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme, kimlikler aras\u0131 tahamm\u00fcl k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcnde de\u011fil, s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkilerinin k\u00f6kl\u00fc d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcnde yatar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn maddi zemini \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecindedir; bu nedenle kimlik temelli m\u00fccadeleler, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesiyle birle\u015fmedi\u011fi s\u00fcrece sermayenin ideolojik alan\u0131nda \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeye mahk\u00fbmdur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Sonu\u00e7: S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n Birli\u011fi, Kimliklerin Ger\u00e7ek \u00d6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesi<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Marksist-Leninistler tarihsel g\u00f6revi, kimliklerin e\u015fitli\u011fini reddetmek de\u011fil, bu e\u015fitli\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin organik bir par\u00e7as\u0131 h\u00e2line getirmektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Lenin\u2019in ifadesiyle, ezilen uluslar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, ancak t\u00fcm uluslar\u0131n proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n birli\u011finde m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ayn\u0131 ilke kimlik siyaseti i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir: Kimliklerin ger\u00e7ek \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesi ancak s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n siyasal birli\u011finde ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ger\u00e7ek demokrasi, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n kolektifle\u015ftirilmesiyle; ger\u00e7ek e\u015fitlik, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kimliklerin karde\u015fli\u011fi ancak s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n enternasyonal birli\u011finde v\u00fccut bulabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kimlik siyasetinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yan\u0131lsamay\u0131 da\u011f\u0131tman\u0131n tek yolu, s\u0131n\u0131f bilincinin yeniden in\u015fas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kimlikler sermayenin b\u00f6lme stratejisidir; ama s\u0131n\u0131f, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n birle\u015ftirici ger\u00e7e\u011fidir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Kapitalist \u00dcretim Bi\u00e7imi ve Bilincin Tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc Kapitalist...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":7570,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7,29],"tags":[],"manset":[],"class_list":["post-7569","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-makaleler","category-manset"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7569","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7569"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7569\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7571,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7569\/revisions\/7571"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7570"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7569"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=7569"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=7569"},{"taxonomy":"manset","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/manset?post=7569"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}