Halep\u2019te ya\u015fanan son sava\u015f s\u00fcreci, K\u00fcrtler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yaln\u0131zca askeri ya da taktik bir geli\u015fme de\u011fildir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, yeni bir d\u00f6nemin \u00e7\u0131plak ger\u00e7eklerini g\u00f6steren sert bir uyar\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Buradan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lacak dersler, teorik s\u00f6ylemlerden ya da soyut politik temennilerden de\u011fil, do\u011frudan ya\u015fanan prati\u011fin kendisinden hareketle ele al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
TRUMP BU YAPININ TABUTUNA SON \u00c7\u0130V\u0130Y\u0130 \u00c7AKMI\u015eTIR<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, uluslararas\u0131 sistemin K\u00fcrtler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan art\u0131k koruyucu, dengeleyici ya da ba\u011flay\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve sunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir kez daha a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda in\u015fa edilen hukuk, ittifak ve \u00e7ok tarafl\u0131l\u0131k d\u00fczeni fiilen i\u015flemez durumdad\u0131r. Bu \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f, yaln\u0131zca b\u00f6lgesel akt\u00f6rlerin keyfi sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7lerin sessizli\u011fini, seyirci kalma y\u00fczs\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve cezas\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 normalle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Art\u0131k herkes \u015fu ger\u00e7e\u011fi kabul ederek yoluna devam etmek zorundad\u0131r: \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonra uluslararas\u0131 hukuk, \u00e7ok tarafl\u0131l\u0131k ve ittifaklar \u00fczerine kurulan Bat\u0131 d\u00fcnyas\u0131 d\u00fczeni fiilen \u00e7\u00f6km\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr ve Donald Trump bu yap\u0131n\u0131n tabutuna son \u00e7iviyi \u00e7akm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Halep prati\u011fi, K\u00fcrtlere kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen sava\u015f\u0131n niteli\u011finde ya\u015fanan d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc de a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde ortaya koymu\u015ftur. Kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya olunan durum, klasik anlamda bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma de\u011fildir. Cephe\u2013arka alan, sivil\u2013asker ve hukuk\u2013hukuksuzluk ayr\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n bilin\u00e7li bi\u00e7imde silindi\u011fi yeni bir sava\u015f normu y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fcktedir. Hastaneler, mahalleler, su kaynaklar\u0131 ve kad\u0131n bedenleri askeri hedefler olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131l\u0131p psikolojik k\u0131rma ara\u00e7lar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Ama\u00e7 yaln\u0131zca alan kazanmak de\u011fil toplumsal haf\u0131zay\u0131 yaralamak, sembolleri a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lamak ve direnme iradesini kal\u0131c\u0131 bi\u00e7imde pasifize etmektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n TEHD\u0130T YALNIZCA CEPHE HATLARINDAN DE\u011e\u0130L S\u0130YAS\u0130 PAZARLIK MASALARINDAN DA GELMEKTED\u0130R<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu ba\u011flamda Halep \u00f6rne\u011fi \u015funu a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir: K\u00fcrtlerin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 alanlar art\u0131k her an hedef olabilir ve bu tehdit yaln\u0131zca cephe hatlar\u0131ndan de\u011fil, siyasi pazarl\u0131k masalar\u0131ndan da gelmektedir. \u015e\u00eaxmeqs\u00fbd ve E\u015frefiy\u00ea\u2019de ya\u015fananlar, Rojava\u2019n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcne y\u00f6nelik daha geni\u015f bir bask\u0131 ve tasfiye stratejisinin provas\u0131 niteli\u011findedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ya\u015fananlar\u0131 \u201cyerel bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma\u201d olarak okumak eksik ve yan\u0131lt\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yeni sava\u015f normunun belirgin \u00f6zelliklerinden biri, vek\u00e2let \u015fiddetinin a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Devletler do\u011frudan sorumluluk almaks\u0131z\u0131n cihat\u00e7\u0131 ve paramiliter yap\u0131lar \u00fczerinden hedeflerine y\u00f6nelmekte, b\u00f6ylece sahadaki vah\u015fet derinle\u015firken siyasal sorumluluk bilin\u00e7li bi\u00e7imde bulan\u0131kla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Halep\u2019te K\u00fcrt kad\u0131n sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lara y\u00f6nelen barbarl\u0131k, bir istisna de\u011fil tarihsel bir s\u00fcreklili\u011fin g\u00fcncel tezah\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fcr. T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin K\u00fcrtlere y\u00f6nelik y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k politik haf\u0131zas\u0131yla DA\u0130\u015e, HT\u015e ve benzeri cihat\u00e7\u0131 yap\u0131lar\u0131n pratikleri aras\u0131nda kurulan bu s\u00fcreklilik, tesad\u00fcf de\u011fil, bir zihniyet ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n ZIYAD HELEB’\u0130N \u00c7I\u011eLI\u011eI, D\u00dcNYANIN ARTIK MUHATAP OLMAKTAN \u00c7IKTI\u011eI ANIN \u0130FADES\u0130D\u0130R<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu s\u00fcrecin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u0131r\u0131lma yaln\u0131zca fiziksel y\u0131k\u0131mla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fildir. K\u00fcrtlerin modern tarihine bir e\u015fik olarak yaz\u0131lacak Ziyad Heleb\u2019in ard\u0131ndan y\u00fckselen ve kayda ge\u00e7meyen o \u00e7\u0131\u011fl\u0131k, K\u00fcrt tarihinde bir e\u015fik an\u0131na i\u015faret eden bir moment olarak kalacakt\u0131r. Bu ses, bir yard\u0131m \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 ya da yas ifadesi de\u011fil, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n art\u0131k muhatap olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir an\u0131n ifadesidir. \u201cBila alem gi\u015f bimire\u201d;<\/em><\/strong> yani d\u00fcnya art\u0131k y\u0131k\u0131ls\u0131n s\u00f6z\u00fc, \u00f6l\u00fcmle bar\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 de\u011fil, sahte g\u00fcvencelerle, d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan gelecek kurtar\u0131c\u0131 beklentisiyle ve yalanlarla vedala\u015fmay\u0131 anlatan bir \u00e7\u0131\u011fl\u0131kt\u0131r. Bu nedenle yaln\u0131zca bir duygu patlamas\u0131 de\u011fil, so\u011fukkanl\u0131 bir durum tespitidir en son tahlilde.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Buradan \u00e7\u0131kan en temel ger\u00e7eklerden biri, savunman\u0131n yaln\u0131zca askeri bir ba\u015fl\u0131k olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Halep\u2019te direni\u015fin belirleyici unsurlar\u0131ndan biri, mahalle halk\u0131n\u0131n iradesi ve toplumsal dayan\u0131kl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Bu, toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn, yerel me\u015fruiyetin ve sivil dayan\u0131kl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n en az askeri kapasite kadar hayati oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Savunma; silah, toplum, sa\u011fl\u0131k, ileti\u015fim ve haf\u0131zan\u0131n birlikte ele al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc bir kapasite meselesidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n K\u00d6KL\u00dc B\u0130R REORGAN\u0130ZASYON \u0130HT\u0130YACI KA\u00c7INILMAZ<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Ayn\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7, K\u00fcrt siyasetinin haz\u0131rl\u0131ks\u0131zl\u0131k sorununu da a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde ortaya koymu\u015ftur. Bu durum, yaln\u0131zca askeri ya da diplomatik de\u011fil zihinsel, politik ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel boyutlar\u0131 olan k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir reorganizasyon ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu noktada belirleyici olan niyet de\u011fil, zamand\u0131r. K\u00fcrtler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan risk, yanl\u0131\u015f ad\u0131m atmaktan ziyade do\u011fru ad\u0131m\u0131 geciktirmektir. Bu ba\u011flamda geciken her karar, ba\u015fkalar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan verilmi\u015f bir karar anlam\u0131na gelecektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ve burada \u015fu ger\u00e7e\u011fin \u00f6zellikle alt\u0131 \u00e7izilmelidir: 1 Nisan Anla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan b\u00f6lgede, ferdi silahlar d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda savunma g\u00f6revi bulunmayan asayi\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7leri b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k \u015eam ve Ankara, e\u015f zamanl\u0131 ve koordineli bi\u00e7imde harekete ge\u00e7mi\u015f k\u0131rk bini a\u015fk\u0131n cihat\u00e7\u0131 unsur, y\u00fczlerce tank ve modern sava\u015f ara\u00e7lar\u0131yla sahaya s\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu tablo, rastlant\u0131sal ya da anl\u0131k bir askeri geli\u015fme de\u011fil K\u00fcrtlerde siyasal, toplumsal ve psikolojik bir k\u0131r\u0131lma yaratmay\u0131 ve bu k\u0131r\u0131lma \u00fczerinden K\u00fcrtleri derin, \u00e7ok katmanl\u0131 bir krizin i\u00e7ine s\u00fcr\u00fcklemeyi hedefleyen \u00f6nceden kurgulanm\u0131\u015f bir senaryonun par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Ama\u00e7 yaln\u0131zca alan kazanmak de\u011fil, savunmas\u0131z b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir toplumu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczl\u00fck, \u00e7aresizlik ve teslimiyet sarmal\u0131na hapsetmektir. Bu nedenle ya\u015fananlar bir g\u00fcvenlik operasyonu de\u011fil, bilin\u00e7li bir irade k\u0131rma ve i\u00e7 krize s\u00fcr\u00fckleme yoluyla tasfiye denemesidir. Bu m\u00fcdahalenin, K\u00fcrtlerin ve K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n Ortado\u011fu\u2019da giderek belirleyici bir denge unsuru haline geldi\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi, s\u00fcrecin stratejik niteli\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Son olarak Halep s\u00fcreci, K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in \u201cbekleme\u201d, \u201cumut etme\u201d ya da \u201cd\u0131\u015f dengelere yaslanma\u201d d\u00f6neminin kapand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Ayn\u0131 zamanda d\u00fc\u015fman g\u00fc\u00e7ler taraf\u0131ndan belirlenen, K\u00fcrtleri edilgen bir konuma hapseden ve \u00f6z\u00fcnde birer tuzak olan stratejik entegrasyon s\u00fcre\u00e7lerini reddetmenin zorunlu hale geldi\u011fini ortaya koymu\u015ftur. \u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nem kendi g\u00fcc\u00fcne dayanan, riskleri \u00f6ng\u00f6ren, \u00e7ok cepheli tehditleri hesaba katan ve halk\u0131 merkeze alan bir ger\u00e7ek\u00e7ilik d\u00f6nemidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu ger\u00e7ek\u00e7ilik karamsarl\u0131k de\u011fil hayatta kalman\u0131n ve kazanman\u0131n en realist yoludur. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131, yak\u0131n tarihimizin kritik b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde siyasetin \u00f6n\u00fcnde olmu\u015f ve ona y\u00f6n vermi\u015ftir. Bu nedenle halk\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fclerine verdi\u011fi g\u00fcven kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z b\u0131rak\u0131lmamal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu nedenle Halep\u2019te ya\u015fananlar\u0131 bir \u201ck\u0131r\u0131lma\u201d olarak de\u011fil, bir son olarak kayda ge\u00e7irmek gerekir. Uluslararas\u0131 hukuk, Bat\u0131 de\u011ferleri, \u00e7ok tarafl\u0131l\u0131k ve ittifaklar \u00fczerine kurulu d\u00fczen, K\u00fcrtler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan art\u0131k i\u015flemeyen de\u011fil h\u00fckm\u00fcn\u00fc yitirmi\u015f bir d\u00fczendir. Bu yap\u0131n\u0131n tabutuna \u00e7ak\u0131lan son \u00e7ivi, tek bir ki\u015fi ya da d\u00f6nem de\u011fildir. O \u00e7ivi; Halep\u2019te hastaneler vurulurken, kad\u0131n sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n bedenleri a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lan\u0131rken, siviller hedef al\u0131n\u0131rken sergilenen kolektif sessizliktir. D\u00fcnya orada susarak bitmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130HT\u0130YATLI BEKLENT\u0130LERLE \u0130LERLEMEK M\u00dcMK\u00dcN DE\u011e\u0130LD\u0130R<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu noktada art\u0131k yar\u0131m c\u00fcmlelerle ya da ihtiyatl\u0131 beklentilerle ilerlemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. K\u00fcrtler, d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131n\u0131n tamam\u0131n\u0131 t\u00fcm senaryolar\u0131 g\u00f6ze alarak onlar\u0131 krize s\u00fcr\u00fckleyecek radikal bir irade beyan\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya koymak zorundad\u0131r. Ne T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti Devleti, ne Suriye Arap devleti, ne Irak\u2019taki \u015eii Arap iktidar yap\u0131lar\u0131 ne de \u0130ran\u2019daki molla rejimi K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in hay\u0131rl\u0131, adil ya da kal\u0131c\u0131 herhangi bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmektedir. Bu yap\u0131lar\u0131n tamam\u0131, farkl\u0131 ara\u00e7larla ama ayn\u0131 hedefle hareket etmektedir: K\u00fcrtleri y\u00f6netilebilir, b\u00f6l\u00fcnebilir ve gerekti\u011finde tasfiye edilebilir bir unsur olarak tutmak.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi g\u00f6rmezden gelmek art\u0131k politik bir hata de\u011fil, varolu\u015fsal bir risktir. Kurtulu\u015f, bu g\u00fc\u00e7lerin insaf\u0131na, i\u00e7 dengelerine ya da d\u00f6nemsel \u00e7\u0131kar hesaplar\u0131na ba\u011flanamaz. Aksine, onlar\u0131n t\u00fcm stratejik hesaplar\u0131n\u0131 bozan, \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclebilirliklerini k\u0131ran ve al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 oyun zeminini ge\u00e7ersiz k\u0131lan bir radikal \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f zorunludur. Bu radikallik, hamaset de\u011fil kendi kaderini belirleme iradesini a\u00e7\u0131k ve net bi\u00e7imde ilan etme cesaretidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n KEND\u0130N\u0130 TA\u015eIYAB\u0130LECEK B\u0130R TOPLUMUMUZ VAR<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Bir kez daha kollektif bir ak\u0131l ile d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n zay\u0131fl\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 kullanmas\u0131na izin vermemek zorunday\u0131z. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc d\u00fc\u015fman, kendi g\u00fcc\u00fcnden \u00e7ok bizim zay\u0131f oldu\u011fumuz yerde g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu nedenle i\u00e7 zaaflar, da\u011f\u0131n\u0131kl\u0131klar, gecikmeler ve karars\u0131zl\u0131klar art\u0131k tali sorunlar de\u011fil do\u011frudan varolu\u015fsal risklerdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Art\u0131k ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7izdi\u011fi entegrasyon senaryolar\u0131na d\u00e2hil olma d\u00f6nemi kapanmal\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in mesele daha iyi pazarl\u0131klar yapmak de\u011fil oyunun kendisini reddetmektir. Bu ger\u00e7eklik tek bir ilkeye indirgenebilir: Kendi g\u00f6be\u011fimizi kendimiz kesmek zorunday\u0131z.<\/strong> Bu, yaln\u0131zla\u015fma de\u011fil g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir irade beyan\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bizi koruyacak bir d\u00fcnya yoktur. Korunmay\u0131 beklemek de art\u0131k bir yan\u0131lg\u0131d\u0131r. Kendini ta\u015f\u0131yabilecek bir toplum vard\u0131r. Ve bu toplumu ayakta tutacak irade, Halep\u2019te geri \u00e7ekilmeyece\u011fini ve asla teslim olmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan etmi\u015ftir. Halep\u2019ten \u00e7\u0131kan ders budur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n D\u00fcnya de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015ftir. K\u00fcrtlerin de bu de\u011fi\u015fimi romantizmle de\u011fil; so\u011fukkanl\u0131, rasyonel bir ak\u0131l ve kolektif iradeyle kar\u015f\u0131lamas\u0131 gerekmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n ANF: H\u00dcSEY\u0130N SAL\u0130H DURMU\u015e<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Halep\u2019te ya\u015fanan son sava\u015f s\u00fcreci, K\u00fcrtler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":8442,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[29,8],"tags":[],"manset":[],"class_list":["post-8441","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-manset","category-sectiklerimiz"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8441","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=8441"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8441\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8443,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8441\/revisions\/8443"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8442"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=8441"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=8441"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=8441"},{"taxonomy":"manset","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/manset?post=8441"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}