Son y\u0131llarda uluslararas\u0131 geli\u015fmeleri emperyalizm kavram\u0131ndan bilin\u00e7li bi\u00e7imde koparan, kapitalist d\u00fcnya sisteminin temel \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir literat\u00fcr\u00fcn h\u0131zla yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6zlenmektedir. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n ortak \u00f6zelli\u011fi, emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 \u201chegemonya krizi\u201d, \u201ckurals\u0131zla\u015fma\u201d ya da \u201cge\u00e7i\u015f d\u00f6nemi belirsizli\u011fi\u201d gibi mu\u011flak kavramlarla a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131; b\u00f6ylece emperyalist rekabetin nesnel yasalar\u0131n\u0131 perdelemesidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00d6zellikle Trump y\u00f6netimiyle birlikte ABD\u2019nin askeri, siyasal ve iktisadi sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u201chegemonik g\u00fcc\u00fcn gerilemesi\u201dnin sanc\u0131lar\u0131 olarak sunan bu yorumlar, Amerikan emperyalizminin sistematik ve yap\u0131sal karakterini bilin\u00e7li olarak g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmektedir. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde \u00c7in\u2019in uluslararas\u0131 faaliyetleri, yaln\u0131zca \u201ctedarik zinciri\u201d ve \u201cekonomik diplomasi\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131larak, onun h\u0131zla b\u00fcy\u00fcyen emperyalist kapasitesi perdelemektedir. Oysa ya\u015fananlar ne bir belirsizlik h\u00e2lidir ne de tarihsel bir \u201caraf\u201d; ya\u015fanan, emperyalist kapitalizmin e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fme yasas\u0131n\u0131n yeniden ve daha sert bi\u00e7imlerde i\u015flemesidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Liberal \u201cKopu\u015f\u201d S\u00f6ylemi ve Emperyalizmin Gizlenmesi<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Davos toplant\u0131lar\u0131nda yap\u0131lan konu\u015fmalar ve \u00f6zellikle Kanada Ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Mark Carney\u2019in ifadeleri, liberal ideolojinin g\u00fcncel bi\u00e7imini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a yans\u0131tmaktad\u0131r. \u201cKurallar\u0131n ve ittifaklar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir kopu\u015f an\u0131\u201dndan s\u00f6z eden bu s\u00f6ylem, emperyalist sistemin tarihsel s\u00fcreklili\u011fini reddederek mevcut krizi istisnai bir durum gibi sunmaktad\u0131r. Oysa emperyalizm, Lenin\u2019in a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya koydu\u011fu gibi, kapitalizmin tekelci a\u015famas\u0131d\u0131r ve bu a\u015faman\u0131n ay\u0131rt edici \u00f6zelli\u011fi, rekabetin daha y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131, daha militarist ve daha gerici bi\u00e7imler almas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u0130ttifaklar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi, kurallar\u0131n esnemesi ya da g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcn\u00fcn dayatmas\u0131n\u0131n artmas\u0131, \u201cyeni\u201d de\u011fil; tekelci kapitalizmin do\u011frudan sonu\u00e7lar\u0131d\u0131r. Emperyalist devletler i\u00e7in hukuk, norm ve ittifaklar yaln\u0131zca g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkilerinin belirli bir an\u0131ndaki ara\u00e7lard\u0131r. G\u00fc\u00e7 dengesi de\u011fi\u015fti\u011finde, bu ara\u00e7lar da teredd\u00fcts\u00fcz terk edilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Emperyalist Hegemonya ve Yanl\u0131\u015f Kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rmalar<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Emperyalist hegemonya, hi\u00e7bir zaman \u201cr\u0131za \u00fcretimi\u201dne dayal\u0131 bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l bir liderlik anlam\u0131na gelmemi\u015ftir. ABD\u2019nin \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 kurdu\u011fu hegemonya, askeri \u00fcs a\u011flar\u0131, darbeler, i\u015fgaller, ekonomik yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar ve ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rma mekanizmalar\u0131yla tesis edilmi\u015ftir. Hegemonya ile \u201ctek emperyalist merkez\u201d ya da \u201cultra-emperyalizm\u201d aras\u0131nda \u00f6zde\u015flik kuran yakla\u015f\u0131mlar, emperyalist rekabetin s\u00fcreklili\u011fini reddederek Leninist \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeden kopmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kapitalist d\u00fcnya ekonomisinde mali sermayenin egemenli\u011fi, tekellerin yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 ve sermayenin uluslararas\u0131 hareketi, emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131ndaki rekabeti ortadan kald\u0131rmaz; tersine daha sert, daha y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 hale getirir. Bug\u00fcn ABD ile \u00c7in aras\u0131ndaki gerilim, eski bir d\u00fczenin \u201c\u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u201d de\u011fil, d\u00fcnya pazarlar\u0131n\u0131n yeniden payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 kavgas\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcncel bi\u00e7imidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Emperyalist G\u00fc\u00e7 Dengeleri ve E\u015fitsiz Geli\u015fme<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Veriler, e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fme yasas\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015fini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. ABD, 1950\u2019lerde d\u00fcnya sanayi \u00fcretiminin yar\u0131s\u0131ndan fazlas\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirirken bug\u00fcn bu oran y\u00fczde 25 civar\u0131na gerilemi\u015ftir. \u00c7in ise ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde marjinal bir konumdan d\u00fcnya ekonomisinin yakla\u015f\u0131k y\u00fczde 18\u2019ine ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu de\u011fi\u015fim, emperyalist hiyerar\u015finin dura\u011fan olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; g\u00fc\u00e7 dengelerinin s\u00fcrekli yeniden kuruldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ancak bu de\u011fi\u015fim, emperyalizmin sona erdi\u011fi ya da yumu\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmez. ABD h\u00e2l\u00e2 d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck askeri g\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr; y\u00fczlerce askeri \u00fcs, trilyonlarca dolarl\u0131k sava\u015f b\u00fct\u00e7esi ve k\u00fcresel finans sistemi \u00fczerindeki belirleyici etkisiyle en sald\u0131rgan emperyalist merkez olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektedir. \u00c7in ve AB emperyalistleri ise bu hegemonyay\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlamak ve kendi etki alanlar\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletmek i\u00e7in ekonomik, diplomatik ve askeri ara\u00e7lara daha fazla ba\u015fvurmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Militarizm, Gericilik ve Halklara Y\u00f6nelen Sald\u0131r\u0131<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Tekelci kapitalizmin ayr\u0131lmaz bir \u00f6zelli\u011fi, siyasal gericilik ve militarizmdir. Emperyalistler aras\u0131 rekabetin sertle\u015fti\u011fi her d\u00f6nemde oldu\u011fu gibi bug\u00fcn de militarist harcamalar artmakta, otoriter ve fa\u015fizan y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imleri g\u00fc\u00e7lenmekte, emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flara ve ezilen halklara y\u00f6nelik bask\u0131lar yo\u011funla\u015fmaktad\u0131r. NATO\u2019nun geni\u015flemesi, b\u00f6lgesel sava\u015flar, vek\u00e2let \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ve silahlanma yar\u0131\u015f\u0131 bu s\u00fcrecin somut ifadeleridir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu ko\u015fullarda bedel \u00f6deyenler emperyalist merkezler de\u011fil; ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkelerin halklar\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7i kitlelerdir. Sava\u015flar, yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar, ekonomik krizler ve yoksulla\u015fma, emperyalist payla\u015f\u0131m kavgas\u0131n\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz sonu\u00e7lar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Anti-Emperyalist M\u00fccadele<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kapitalist-emperyalist sistem i\u00e7inde \u201ceski d\u00fczene d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u201d ya da \u201cdaha adil bir k\u00fcresel y\u00f6neti\u015fim\u201d beklentisi, burjuva bir yan\u0131lsamadan ibarettir. Emperyalist barbarl\u0131k, reformlarla ya da yeni ittifak kombinasyonlar\u0131yla geriletilemez. Ger\u00e7ek ve kal\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f, ancak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ve ezilen halklar\u0131n anti-emperyalist, anti-kapitalist m\u00fccadelesiyle m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Yeni bir d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeni, emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7lerin masalar\u0131nda de\u011fil; halkalarin birle\u015fik ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadelesiyle kurulabilir. Sosyalizm perspektifi d\u0131\u015fland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, kapitalist d\u00fcnyan\u0131n sundu\u011fu tek gelecek daha fazla sava\u015f, daha fazla s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve daha fazla y\u0131k\u0131md\u0131r. Emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele, yaln\u0131zca bir d\u0131\u015f politika tutumu de\u011fil; s\u0131n\u0131fsal, tarihsel ve zorunlu bir g\u00f6revdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u015eemdin \u015eim\u015fir<\/p>\n\n\n\n
30 Ocak 2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Son y\u0131llarda uluslararas\u0131 geli\u015fmeleri emperyalizm kavram\u0131ndan bilin\u00e7li...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":8671,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[29,67],"tags":[],"manset":[],"class_list":["post-8670","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-manset","category-semdin-simsir"],"amp_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8670","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/7"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=8670"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8670\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8730,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8670\/revisions\/8730"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8671"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=8670"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=8670"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=8670"},{"taxonomy":"manset","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/manset?post=8670"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}