\u201cNormalle\u015fme\u201d De\u011fil, G\u00fcncellenmi\u015f S\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik<\/p>\n\n\n\n
1 Ekim 2024\u2019te fa\u015fist MHP lideri Devlet Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin TBMM\u2019de DEM Parti s\u0131ralar\u0131na giderek tokala\u015fmas\u0131 ve ard\u0131ndan Abdullah \u00d6calan\u2019a d\u00f6n\u00fck \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye fa\u015fist devletinin K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci sava\u015f\u0131n yeni bir evresine girdi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6stermektedir. Bu tablo bir bar\u0131\u015f aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, krize giren devlet akl\u0131n\u0131n K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel ve b\u00f6lgesel kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 bo\u011fmak i\u00e7in devreye soktu\u011fu yeni bir tasfiye hamlesidir. Devletin \u201cter\u00f6rs\u00fcz T\u00fcrkiye\u201d ad\u0131yla pazarlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, ger\u00e7ekte<\/p>\n\n\n\n
stat\u00fcs\u00fczle\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir halk, silahs\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir direni\u015f ve K\u00fcrts\u00fczle\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir siyasal alan yaratma hedefinin ifadesidir. Emperyalist devletlerin dayatmas\u0131yla y\u00fcz y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n ink\u00e2r ve imha siyaseti t\u0131kanm\u0131\u015f, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci fa\u015fist devlet zor yoluyla ba\u015faramad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bu kez efendilerinin direktifiyle siyasal m\u00fchendislik, r\u0131za \u00fcretimi ve ideolojik manip\u00fclasyonla ba\u015farmaya y\u00f6nelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti devleti kurulu\u015fundan bu yana K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131 e\u015fit bir ulus olarak de\u011fil, denetim alt\u0131nda tutulmas\u0131 gereken bir i\u00e7 koloni olarak ele alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn \u201cnormalle\u015fme\u201d, \u201cdiyalog\u201d ve \u201ctoplumsal bar\u0131\u015f\u201d s\u00f6ylemleriyle sunulanlar bu tarihsel ger\u00e7e\u011fi perdelemekten ba\u015fka bir anlam ta\u015f\u0131mamaktad\u0131r. Devletin temel derdi K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de\u011fil, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n Ortado\u011fu\u2019da g\u00fcndeme gelen yeniden dizeyine edilmesinde geri d\u00f6n\u00fclmez bi\u00e7imde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan siyasal stat\u00fc olanaklar\u0131n\u0131 durdurmakt\u0131r. G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da fiil\u00ee stat\u00fc, Rojava\u2019da \u00f6zy\u00f6netim cabalari ve K\u00fcrt hareketinin b\u00f6lgesel etkisi, T\u00fcrk burjuvazisi ve devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan stratejik bir tehdittir. Bu nedenle ink\u00e2r siyaseti bi\u00e7im de\u011fi\u015ftirmi\u015f, sava\u015f siyaseti yumu\u015fat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f; ancak s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci hedefler aynen korunmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Devletin Abdullah \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131 yeniden siyasal denklem i\u00e7ine \u00e7ekme giri\u015fimi bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm iradesi de\u011fil, direni\u015fi i\u00e7eriden denetleme ve etkisizle\u015ftirme plan\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6calan, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n iradesinin \u00f6zg\u00fcr bir temsilcisi olarak de\u011fil, K\u00fcrt hareketinin tarihsel ve b\u00f6lgesel kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 geri \u00e7ektirecek bir ara\u00e7 olarak konumland\u0131r\u0131lmak istenmektedir. \u0130mral\u0131\u2019ya g\u00f6nderilen komisyonlar, yap\u0131lan \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar, \u201cumut hakk\u0131\u201d \u00fczerinden y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen tart\u0131\u015fmalar ayn\u0131 hedefe y\u00f6neliktir: silah b\u0131rakma, stat\u00fc talebinden vazge\u00e7me, Rojava\u2019y\u0131 terk etme ve ulusal taleplerin geri \u00e7ekilmesi. Bu bir m\u00fczakere de\u011fil, a\u00e7\u0131k bir teslimiyet dayatmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu bir diyalog de\u011fil, asimetrik bir ku\u015fatmad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Rojava\u2019da ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan halk\u00e7\u0131, kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc ve meclis temelli \u00f6zy\u00f6netim modeli, T\u00fcrkiye devleti a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yaln\u0131zca s\u0131n\u0131r \u00f6tesi bir geli\u015fme de\u011fil, do\u011frudan d\u00fczen kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 bir tehdittir. Ankara\u2019n\u0131n \u201cG\u00fcney\u2019de hata yapt\u0131k, bir daha olmayacak\u201d s\u00f6zleri, bu korkunun a\u00e7\u0131k itiraf\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6calan\u2019la y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen s\u00fcrecin Suriye sahas\u0131ndaki geli\u015fmelerle e\u015fzamanl\u0131 ilerlemesi tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildir. Devlet, Rojava devrimini bo\u011fmak i\u00e7in i\u00e7eride tasfiye, d\u0131\u015far\u0131da ku\u015fatma stratejisini birlikte i\u015fletmektedir. \u00d6calan in yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 ve a\u00e7\u0131klamada; \u201cIrak, \u0130ran, Suriye\u2019de politikay\u0131 T\u00fcrk devleti belirleyecek bizde destekleyece\u011fiz\u2026\u201d taamda bu tasfiyeyi ifade etmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Devletin sundu\u011fu s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrel a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131mlar, K\u00fcrt\u00e7eye dair sembolik jestler ve yerel y\u00f6netimlere ili\u015fkin makyaj d\u00fczenlemeleri, halk\u0131 ikna etmeye d\u00f6n\u00fck bir r\u0131za operasyonudur. Ama\u00e7 ulusal stat\u00fc talebini k\u00fclt\u00fcrel k\u0131r\u0131nt\u0131lara hapsetmek, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesini i\u00e7eriksizle\u015ftirmek ve devrimci hatt\u0131 sistem i\u00e7ine \u00e7ekmektir. Bu, zor ile r\u0131zan\u0131n birlikte i\u015fletildi\u011fi klasik bir burjuva hegemonya hamlesidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
TBMM takvimleri, Rojava\u2013\u015eam g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri ve yasal d\u00fczenleme tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, tek merkezden planlanan bu tasfiye s\u00fcrecinin par\u00e7alar\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak tarih g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir ki hi\u00e7bir devlet m\u00fchendisli\u011fi halklar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck iradesini sonsuza dek bast\u0131ramaz. K\u00fcrt hareketinin k\u0131rk y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fan direni\u015f birikimi, Rojava\u2019da a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kan devrimci toplumsal pratik, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fc rol\u00fc ve enternasyonal dayan\u0131\u015fma olanaklar\u0131, bu planlar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki en b\u00fcy\u00fck engeldir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ortada bir bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcreci yoktur. Ortada K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel ilerleyi\u015fini durdurmaya d\u00f6n\u00fck yeni bir teslim alma giri\u015fimi vard\u0131r. Devlet de\u011fi\u015fmemi\u015ftir, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik bitmemi\u015ftir; yaln\u0131zca y\u00f6ntem g\u00fcncellenmi\u015ftir. Ger\u00e7ek \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm devletin l\u00fctuflar\u0131nda de\u011fil, halklar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadelesindedir. Ger\u00e7ek bar\u0131\u015f stat\u00fcs\u00fczl\u00fckte de\u011fil, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckte ve e\u015fitliktedir. Tasfiyeye kar\u015f\u0131 direni\u015f, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve burjuva devlete kar\u015f\u0131 halklar\u0131n ortak m\u00fccadelesi, bu s\u00fcrecin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki yeg\u00e2ne tarihsel se\u00e7enektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Devletin \u00d6calan merkezli yeni tasfiye hatt\u0131n\u0131 do\u011fru kavramak i\u00e7in, Abdullah \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n uzun s\u00fcredir savundu\u011fu \u201cKom\u00fcnal Demokratik Sosyalizm\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n teorik ve siyasal i\u00e7eri\u011fini de a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde ortaya koymak gerekmektedir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bug\u00fcn devreye sokulmak istenen s\u00fcre\u00e7, yaln\u0131zca bir devlet manevras\u0131 de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda K\u00fcrt m\u00fccadelesinin devrimci s\u0131n\u0131f perspektifinden kopar\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 hedefleyen ideolojik bir yeniden bi\u00e7imlendirme giri\u015fimidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n kom\u00fcnal demokratik sosyalizm \u00f6nerileri, Marksizm-Leninizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ciddi teorik ve pratik sorunlar bar\u0131nd\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinden ve \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin belirleyicili\u011finden kopart\u0131larak k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, ekolojik ve kom\u00fcnal de\u011ferler \u00fczerinden a\u00e7\u0131klanmaktad\u0131r. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, tarihsel materyalizmin temel ilkesini ihlal etmekte; proletaryay\u0131 devrimci \u00f6zne olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kararak tali bir konuma itmekte ve devlet iktidar\u0131 sorununu bilin\u00e7li bi\u00e7imde belirsizle\u015ftirmektedir. Merkezi bir s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ve devrimci iktidar perspektifi olmaks\u0131z\u0131n \u00f6zy\u00f6netim temelli k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck topluluklar\u0131n kapitalist kar\u015f\u0131-devrime direnmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Merkezsizle\u015ftirilmi\u015f yap\u0131lar\u0131n sonucu, devrim de\u011fil; da\u011f\u0131n\u0131kl\u0131k ve tasfiyedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Marksizm-Leninizm\u2019e g\u00f6re tarihsel \u00f6zne s\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r. Proletarya, kapitalist toplumda \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131ndan yoksun b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 nedeniyle devrimci bir potansiyele sahiptir. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi olmaks\u0131z\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi iddia edilen her d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak burjuva d\u00fczeniyle uyumlu, y\u00fczeysel ve geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc olur. \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 reddeden, toplumu kimlikler ve kom\u00fcnler toplam\u0131 olarak ele alan yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131; s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini silikle\u015ftirmekte, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131lmakta ve devrim stratejisini nesnel zemininden koparmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Leninist devlet teorisi, proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, kapitalist kar\u015f\u0131-devrimi bast\u0131rman\u0131n ve \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerini k\u00f6kl\u00fc bi\u00e7imde d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmenin zorunlu arac\u0131 olarak tan\u0131mlar. \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n federatif, merkeziyetsiz ve devletsiz \u00f6zy\u00f6netim modeli, bu tarihsel deneyimle taban tabana \u00e7eli\u015fmektedir. Devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131 hedef almayan hi\u00e7bir toplumsal proje, sermaye egemenli\u011fini ortadan kald\u0131ramaz. Kapitalist devlet ayakta kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece, kom\u00fcnler ya bast\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r ya da sistem i\u00e7ine entegre edilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ulusal ve kimlik politikalar\u0131n\u0131 merkeze alan \u00d6calan \u00e7izgisi, s\u0131n\u0131f perspektifinden kopuktur. Lenin\u2019in ulusal sorun yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r: Ulusal m\u00fccadele, proletaryan\u0131n enternasyonalist hatt\u0131na ba\u011flanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak burjuvazinin arka bah\u00e7esine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. K\u00fclt\u00fcrel haklar ve kimlik vurgusu, s\u0131n\u0131fsal iktidar hedefinin yerine ikame edildi\u011finde, devrimci m\u00fccadele reformist bir hatta hapsedilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
PKK\u2019nin 12. Kongresi\u2019nde al\u0131nan fesih ve silah b\u0131rakma karar\u0131, bu ideolojik sapman\u0131n pratik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7\u0131plakl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ortaya koymu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n kad\u0131n ve ekoloji meselelerine yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 da idealist ve tarih d\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Kad\u0131n sorunu, s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkilerinden kopart\u0131larak mitolojik anlat\u0131larla a\u00e7\u0131klanmakta; patriyarkan\u0131n maddi temelleri g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilmektedir. Kad\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesi, \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcnden ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal iktidar\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ele al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak liberal feminizmle ayn\u0131 zemine d\u00fc\u015fmektedir. Ekoloji meselesi de benzer bi\u00e7imde kapitalist \u00fcretim tarz\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131sal karakteri yerine k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ahlak sorununa indirgenmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u201ctarihsel materyalizmin a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi\u201d, \u201ctarihin yaln\u0131zca s\u0131n\u0131fla a\u00e7\u0131klanamayaca\u011f\u0131\u201d ve \u201cs\u0131n\u0131ftan \u00f6nce kom\u00fcn\u00fcn geldi\u011fi\u201d y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki iddialar\u0131, Marksist y\u00f6ntemin sistematik tasfiyesidir. \u00c7eli\u015fkinin \u201cyok edici de\u011fil uzla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131\u201d oldu\u011fu y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki vurgular, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin devrimci karakterini ortadan kald\u0131rmay\u0131 ama\u00e7layan eklektik bir diyalektik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Bu \u00e7izgi, devrimci kopu\u015fu de\u011fil; kapitalist d\u00fczenle uyumlu bir demokratik entegrasyonu hedeflemektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u201cDemokratik sosyalizm\u201d, \u201cdemokratik toplum\u201d ve benzeri kavramlar, proletaryan\u0131n iktidar m\u00fccadelesini ikame eden ideolojik sis perdeleridir. \u00dcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fclkiyeti, devlet iktidar\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131f diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zmeden sosyalizmden s\u00f6z etmek, tarihsel deneyimlerle defalarca \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f bir reformist yan\u0131lsamad\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin a\u00e7\u0131klay\u0131c\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia etmek, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini ortadan kald\u0131rmaz; yaln\u0131zca burjuvazinin i\u015fini kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n devlet\u2013kom\u00fcn kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinden kurdu\u011fu tarihsel okuma da teorik olarak tutars\u0131zd\u0131r. Kapitalist devlet, yerel kom\u00fcnlerle eritilemez. Devletsiz kom\u00fcnalizm, sermaye tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc ortadan kald\u0131rmaz; aksine onu daha g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez ve denetlenemez k\u0131lar. Proletarya \u00f6zneli\u011finin reddi, devrimci siyasetin tasfiyesi anlam\u0131na gelir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Moderniteyi kapitalizm, ulus-devlet ve end\u00fcstriyalizm \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcs\u00fc \u00fczerinden tan\u0131mlayan \u00d6calan, reel sosyalizmin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc ele\u015ftirirken; proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, merkezi devrimci iktidar\u0131 ve \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n kolektif m\u00fclkiyetini tamamen d\u0131\u015flamaktad\u0131r. Demokratik Konfederalizm ve \u201ceko-ekonomi\u201d modeli, bilimsel sosyalizmden kopuk, devletle uzla\u015fmay\u0131 esas alan bir sosyal y\u00f6netim prati\u011fine indirgenmi\u015ftir. Enternasyonalizm ise s\u0131n\u0131f dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131l\u0131p diplomatik federasyon \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00d6zcesi; \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u201cdevletsiz \u00f6zerklik\u201d ve \u201ck\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00f6zerklik\u201d tezlerinin merkezinde, ulus-devletin tarihsel olarak a\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131n art\u0131k devletle\u015fme, siyasal iktidar ve toprak egemenli\u011fi bi\u00e7iminde de\u011fil; k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, yerel ve y\u00f6netsel d\u00fczenlemelerle kar\u015f\u0131lanabilece\u011fi iddias\u0131 yer al\u0131r. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde \u201cilerici\u201d ve \u201canti-devlet\u00e7i\u201d bir dil kullansa da, Marksist ulus teorisi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan nesnel olarak ulusal sorunun i\u00e7inin bo\u015falt\u0131lmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Marksizm\u2019e g\u00f6re ulus, yaln\u0131zca k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir kimlik de\u011fildir. Ulus; ortak dil, tarih ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn yan\u0131 s\u0131ra ortak ekonomik ya\u015fam, ortak toprak ve siyasal kader birli\u011fi ile tan\u0131mlan\u0131r. Lenin\u2019in net bi\u00e7imde vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, ulusal sorunun \u00f6z\u00fc kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131d\u0131r ve bu hak, gerekirse ayr\u0131lma ve devlet kurma hakk\u0131n\u0131 da i\u00e7erir. Bu hakk\u0131 ba\u015ftan reddeden ya da \u201ca\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f\u201d ilan eden her yakla\u015f\u0131m, ezilen ulusu fiilen egemen ulusun s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7ine hapsetmi\u015f olur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n teorisi tam olarak bunu yapmaktad\u0131r. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na, \u201cdevlet istemeyin\u201d, \u201csiyasal iktidar hedeflemeyin\u201d, \u201ctoprak egemenli\u011fi talep etmeyin\u201d; bunun yerine k\u00fclt\u00fcrel haklar, yerel y\u00f6netimler, kom\u00fcnler ve federatif a\u011flarla yetinin denmektedir. Bu, ezilen bir ulusa tarihsel olarak burjuva devletlerin dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 en klasik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm modelidir. Yani \u201culus olabilirsiniz ama iktidar olamazs\u0131n\u0131z\u201d \u00e7izgisi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Buradaki temel sorun \u015fudur: Devletsiz \u00f6zerklik, egemen devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131 yerinde dururken \u00f6nerilmektedir. T\u00fcrk burjuva devleti y\u0131k\u0131lmadan, s\u0131n\u0131fsal iktidar ili\u015fkileri par\u00e7alanmadan, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n \u201c\u00f6zerkli\u011fi\u201d ancak merkezi devletin izin verdi\u011fi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde var olabilir. Bu ise \u00f6zerklik de\u011fil, idari toleranst\u0131r. Tarihsel olarak bu t\u00fcr modellerin tamam\u0131, ulusal hareketlerin tasfiyesiyle sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
K\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00f6zerklik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 da ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde ulusal sorunu kimli\u011fe indirger. Dil, k\u00fclt\u00fcr, yerel gelenekler tan\u0131n\u0131r; ancak toprak, ekonomi, siyasal iktidar ve silahl\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 egemen devletin tekelinde kal\u0131r. Marksizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu, ulusal sorunun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc de\u011fil; depolitizasyonudur. Ulus, folklora indirgenir; siyasal \u00f6zne olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u201culus-devlet k\u00f6t\u00fcd\u00fcr, t\u00fcm ulus-devletler bask\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r\u201d arg\u00fcman\u0131 da burada ideolojik bir i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Marksizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan mesele ulus-devletin soyut olarak \u201ciyi\u201d ya da \u201ck\u00f6t\u00fc\u201d olmas\u0131 de\u011fildir. Mesele, hangi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n devleti oldu\u011fu ve hangi ulusun \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na hizmet etti\u011fidir. Ezilen bir ulus i\u00e7in devletle\u015fme, mutlak bir hedef de\u011fil; fakat tarihsel olarak me\u015fru ve ilerici bir hakt\u0131r. Bu hakk\u0131 reddetmek, egemen ulusun devletini fiilen me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu nedenle \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n devletsiz \u00f6zerklik teorisi, nesnel olarak \u015fu sonucu \u00fcretir: K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 T\u00fcrk devletinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde kal\u0131r; ulusal sorun siyasal olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131l\u0131r m\u00fccadele devrimci bir iktidar perspektifinden kopar\u0131l\u0131r ulusal hareket sistem i\u00e7i y\u00f6neti\u015fim modellerine entegre edilir. Bu, ulusal kurtulu\u015f de\u011fil, ulusal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Leninist ulusal politika, ezilen uluslar\u0131n ayr\u0131lma hakk\u0131n\u0131 ko\u015fulsuz savunur, ama bunu proletaryan\u0131n iktidar m\u00fccadelesiyle birle\u015ftirir. \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u00e7izgisi ise ayr\u0131lma hakk\u0131n\u0131 reddederken, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini de geri plana iter. B\u00f6ylece hem ulusal hem s\u0131n\u0131fsal kurtulu\u015f hatt\u0131 ayn\u0131 anda tasfiye edilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Sonu\u00e7 olarak bu ideolojik savrulman\u0131n en a\u00e7\u0131k \u00f6rneklerinden biri de \u201cdemokratik \u0130slam\u201d s\u00f6ylemidir. Din, Marksist tarih anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na g\u00f6re s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir \u00fcstyap\u0131 kurumudur ve \u00f6z\u00fc gere\u011fi demokratik olamaz. Demokrasi halk egemenli\u011fine, din ise tanr\u0131sal buyru\u011fa dayan\u0131r. Bu ikisi uzla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lamaz. \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n ya da herhangi bir dinin demokratikle\u015ftirilebilece\u011fi iddias\u0131, emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 dinsel ve uzla\u015fmac\u0131 bir ideolojik \u00e7er\u00e7eveye hapsetmenin arac\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u0130slam\u2019\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, e\u015fitlik ve adalet dini oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131, tarihsel ve maddi ger\u00e7eklikle \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fmez. \u00d6zel m\u00fclkiyetin kutsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, emek s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, kad\u0131n\u0131n erke\u011fe tabi k\u0131l\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve inan\u00e7 temelli hiyerar\u015filerin \u00fcretildi\u011fi bir toplumsal yap\u0131da ger\u00e7ek \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckten s\u00f6z edilemez. \u015e\u00fbra gibi mekanizmalar halk egemenli\u011fini de\u011fil, otoritenin me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flar. Medine Vesikas\u0131 gibi \u00f6rnekler ise dinlerin g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fck d\u00f6nemlerindeki ge\u00e7ici uzla\u015fma belgeleridir; ilkesel de\u011fil, konjonkt\u00fcreldir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Sonu\u00e7 olarak \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n kom\u00fcnal demokratik sosyalizm \u00e7izgisi, Marksizm-Leninizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan teorik olarak tutars\u0131z, bilimsel temelden uzak ve siyasal olarak tasfiyecidir. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini, proletarya \u00f6zneli\u011fini ve devrimci iktidar hedefini d\u0131\u015flayan her yakla\u015f\u0131m, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak burjuva d\u00fczenin yeniden \u00fcretimine hizmet eder. Ger\u00e7ek kurtulu\u015f; kimlik, k\u00fclt\u00fcr ya da dinsel uzla\u015fmalarda de\u011fil; proletaryan\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadelesinde, burjuva devletin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131nda ve \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n kolektif m\u00fclkiyetinde yatmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ahmat \u00d6zt\u00fcrk<\/p>\n\n\n\n
NOT: Bu yaz\u0131 Kolektif M\u00fccadele dergisinin 2 say\u0131s\u0131nda al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
\u201cNormalle\u015fme\u201d De\u011fil, G\u00fcncellenmi\u015f S\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik 1 Ekim 2024\u2019te...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":8940,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[59,7,29],"tags":[],"manset":[],"class_list":["post-8938","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-ahmet-ozdemir","category-makaleler","category-manset"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8938","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=8938"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8938\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8941,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8938\/revisions\/8941"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8940"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=8938"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=8938"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=8938"},{"taxonomy":"manset","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/manset?post=8938"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}