{"id":9444,"date":"2026-04-26T20:40:06","date_gmt":"2026-04-26T17:40:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/?p=9444"},"modified":"2026-04-26T20:42:52","modified_gmt":"2026-04-26T17:42:52","slug":"kizildereden-27-nisana-fedai-gelenegi-savaskan-sosyalizm-ve-devrimci-sureklilik-seher-jiyan","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/2026\/04\/26\/kizildereden-27-nisana-fedai-gelenegi-savaskan-sosyalizm-ve-devrimci-sureklilik-seher-jiyan\/","title":{"rendered":"K\u0131z\u0131ldere\u2019den 27 Nisan\u2019a: Fedai Gelene\u011fi, Sava\u015fkan Sosyalizm ve Devrimci S\u00fcreklilik &#8211; Seher Jiyan"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><strong>Tarih, egemenlerin \u00e7izdi\u011fi bir do\u011frusal yol de\u011fildir; ezilenlerin direni\u015fiyle \u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir s\u00fcre\u00e7tir.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Tarih, egemenlerin anlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi \u00e7izgisel bir ilerleme de\u011fil; ezilenlerin isyanlar, kopu\u015flar ve direni\u015flerle \u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir s\u00fcre\u00e7tir. Bu nedenle devrimci hareket a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tarih, ge\u00e7mi\u015fte kalm\u0131\u015f olaylar\u0131n toplam\u0131 de\u011fil, bug\u00fcn\u00fc belirleyen m\u00fccadele birikimidir. Egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar tarihi, kendi s\u00fcrekliliklerini me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in yazarlar; ezilenler ise tarihi, kesintiler yaratarak, d\u00fczeni zorlayarak ve iktidar iddias\u0131n\u0131 diri tutarak kurar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan K\u0131z\u0131ldere\u2019den 27 Nisan\u2019a uzanan hat, bir an\u0131lar dizisi ya da duygusal bir hat\u0131rlama alan\u0131 de\u011fil; devrimci siyasetin s\u00fcreklili\u011fini kan\u0131tlayan canl\u0131, g\u00fcncel ve \u00f6\u011fretici bir m\u00fccadele \u00e7izgisidir. Bu \u00e7izgi, yaln\u0131zca ge\u00e7mi\u015fi anlatmaz; bug\u00fcn\u00fcn devrimci sorular\u0131na da yan\u0131t \u00fcretir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>K\u0131z\u0131ldere, teslim olmay\u0131 reddeden bir siyasal iradenin ilan\u0131d\u0131r. 27 Nisan ise bu iradenin, tasfiyecilikle, liberalizmle ve d\u00fczen i\u00e7ile\u015fmeyle ku\u015fat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir tarihsel d\u00f6nemde yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Orhan Y\u0131lmazkaya\u2019n\u0131n Bostanc\u0131\u2019daki direni\u015fi, yaln\u0131zca bireysel bir son duru\u015f de\u011fil; sava\u015fkan sosyalizmin, iktidar perspektifinin ve fedai gelene\u011fin bug\u00fcn\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131nda yeniden cisimle\u015fmesidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Fedai Gelene\u011fi: \u00d6l\u00fcm De\u011fil, \u0130ktidar Sorunu<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Spot: Fedai ruh, \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc y\u00fcceltmek de\u011fil; devrimci siyaseti iktidardan koparmamakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Egemen ideoloji fedaili\u011fi \u201c\u00f6l\u00fcm tap\u0131nc\u0131\u201d olarak sunar. Oysa Marksist devrimci gelenekte fedailik, \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc y\u00fcceltmek de\u011fil; devrimci siyaseti ya\u015famdan, halktan ve iktidar hedefinden koparmamakt\u0131r. Fedai duru\u015f, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin belirli tarihsel anlar\u0131nda geri \u00e7ekilmenin, uzla\u015fman\u0131n ve teslimiyetin devrimci sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bilerek hareket etmektir. Bu, bireysel bir cesaret meselesi de\u011fil; kolektif bir siyasal bilincin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019nde barikatlar\u0131 terk etmeyen kom\u00fcnarlarla, K\u0131z\u0131ldere\u2019de Mahirlerin tutumu ve Bostanc\u0131\u2019da Orhan Y\u0131lmazkaya\u2019n\u0131n direni\u015fi aras\u0131nda tarihsel bir ba\u011f vard\u0131r. \u0130spanya \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019nda \u201cNo pasar\u00e1n\u201d diyenlerle, Kobane\u2019de ge\u00e7it vermeyenler ayn\u0131 tarihsel iradenin farkl\u0131 co\u011frafyalardaki ifadeleridir. Bu ba\u011f, devrimci iradenin s\u00fcreklili\u011fidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>D\u00fcnya Direni\u015fleri ve Tarihsel Diyalektik<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Spot: Yenilgi, m\u00fccadeleyi bitirmez; m\u00fccadeleyi tan\u0131mlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Thomas M\u00fcntzer\u2019in Alman K\u00f6yl\u00fc Sava\u015flar\u0131\u2019ndaki isyan\u0131, modern s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin erken bir habercisidir. M\u00fcntzer\u2019in yenilgisi, feodal d\u00fczenin g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fil; ezilenlerin tarih sahnesine \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 simgeler. Spartakist Ayaklanman\u0131n bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, Rosa Luxemburg ve Karl Liebknecht\u2019in hakl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rmam\u0131\u015f; aksine reformizmle devrimci Marksizm aras\u0131ndaki tarihsel ayr\u0131m\u0131 keskinle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Latin Amerika\u2019da Che Guevara\u2019n\u0131n Bolivya\u2019da bedenen yenilmesi de bu diyalekti\u011fin par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Che\u2019nin \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fil; enternasyonal devrimci ahlak\u0131n zaferidir. Bu nedenle Che, yaln\u0131zca K\u00fcba\u2019n\u0131n de\u011fil; Vietnam\u2019\u0131n, Filistin\u2019in, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ve K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n devrimci haf\u0131zas\u0131na aittir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Orhan Y\u0131lmazkaya\u2019n\u0131n Che \u00fczerine yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011ferlendirme, tam da bu noktada anlam kazan\u0131r: Devrimci m\u00fccadele, masa ba\u015f\u0131nda de\u011fil; \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n tam ortas\u0131nda, bedel \u00f6demeyi g\u00f6ze alarak y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcr. Sosyalizm, g\u00fcvenli alanlardan de\u011fil; tarihsel risklerden do\u011far.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye Devrimci Hareketi ve Tasfiye S\u00fcreci<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Spot: \u0130ktidar hedefi terk edildi\u011finde, kavga erimeye mahk\u00fbmdur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye devrimci hareketi, 1970\u2019lerde iktidar perspektifini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a tart\u0131\u015fan, anti-emperyalist ve anti-oligar\u015fik hedefleri net olan bir \u00e7izgi \u00fcretmi\u015ftir. Denizlerin idam sehpas\u0131ndaki tutumu, Mahirlerin K\u0131z\u0131ldere\u2019deki direni\u015fi, \u0130brahim Kaypakkaya\u2019n\u0131n i\u015fkencede teslim olmamas\u0131; devrimci siyasetin etik ve politik s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 belirlemi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>12 Eyl\u00fcl sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde ise bu \u00e7izgi sistematik bi\u00e7imde tasfiye edilmi\u015ftir. Devrim fikri \u201cerken\u201d, silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadele \u201canlams\u0131z\u201d, iktidar hedefi \u201cger\u00e7ek\u00e7i olmayan\u201d ilan edilmi\u015ftir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, yaln\u0131zca bir yenilginin sonucu de\u011fil; bilin\u00e7li bir ideolojik yeniden in\u015fa s\u00fcrecidir. 27 Nisan 2009, tam da bu tasfiyeye kar\u015f\u0131 tarihsel bir itirazd\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>27 Nisan: Tarihin Bug\u00fcne M\u00fcdahalesi<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Spot: Teslimiyeti reddetmek, devrimin k\u0131sa ve net \u00f6zetidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Orhan Y\u0131lmazkaya\u2019n\u0131n Bostanc\u0131\u2019daki direni\u015fi, devletin t\u00fcm askeri ve psikolojik \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne ra\u011fmen teslimiyeti reddeden a\u00e7\u0131k bir politik beyand\u0131r. Polis telsizinden yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 konu\u015fma, bir vedadan \u00e7ok; devrimci program\u0131n k\u0131sa ve net bir \u00f6zetidir: T\u00fcrk ve K\u00fcrt halklar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadele birli\u011fi, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve anti-emperyalist sava\u015f. Tipik 71 ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nderlerinde H\u00fcseyin Cevahirin devamc\u0131s\u0131 olman\u0131n perspektifiyle; <em>\u201c\u00dclkemizin emperyalizmden, i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilerinden ve toprak a\u011falar\u0131ndan temizlenip halk\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu ve mutlulu\u011funu istiyorsak, Do\u011fu\u2019da y\u00fczy\u0131llard\u0131r T\u00fcrk halk\u0131yla kader birli\u011fi yapm\u0131\u015f, d\u00fc\u015fmana kar\u015f\u0131 omuz omuza d\u00f6v\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f bir K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 var. Do\u011fu sorunu ancak devrimci yoldan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme ba\u011flanabilir. Bu devrimci iktidar u\u011fruna T\u00fcrk ve K\u00fcrt devrimciler, b\u00fct\u00fcn yurtseverler omuz omuza \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmal\u0131d\u0131rlar. Halklar\u0131n var olan ger\u00e7ek karde\u015fli\u011fi peki\u015ftirilmeli, ba\u015f d\u00fc\u015fman emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele edilmelidir.\u201d (H. Cevahir K\u00fcrdistan raporu)<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle 27 Nisan, yaln\u0131zca T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de\u011fil; Gazze\u2019de ku\u015fatmaya direnenlerle, Rojava\u2019da i\u015fgale kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fanlarla, Latin Amerika\u2019da paramiliterlere kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele edenlerle ayn\u0131 tarihsel d\u00fczlemde durur. Mek\u00e2nlar farkl\u0131d\u0131r, d\u00fc\u015fmanlar farkl\u0131 adlar ta\u015f\u0131r; fakat kavga ayn\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Spot: Kavga bitmez; fedai ruh g\u00f6revdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>K\u0131z\u0131ldere\u2019den 27 Nisan\u2019a uzanan tarih, devrimci hareket i\u00e7in bir anma \u00e7izgisi de\u011fil; ertelenmi\u015f bir hesapla\u015fmad\u0131r. Bu tarih, devrimden vazge\u00e7enlere, iktidar hedefini unutanlara ve d\u00fczen i\u00e7i siyaseti \u201cger\u00e7ek\u00e7ilik\u201d diye pazarlayanlara kar\u015f\u0131 yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u201cBiz d\u00fc\u015fece\u011fiz ama kavga s\u00fcrecek\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fc, bir yenilgi kabulleni\u015fi de\u011fil; s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin yal\u0131n ger\u00e7e\u011fidir. D\u00fc\u015fen bireylerdir; kavga ise s\u0131n\u0131fsald\u0131r. S\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc s\u00fcrd\u00fck\u00e7e, devlet \u015fiddeti devam ettik\u00e7e, emperyalizm var olduk\u00e7a bu kavga da s\u00fcrecektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Fedai ruh, ge\u00e7mi\u015fin romantik bir hat\u0131ras\u0131 de\u011fil; bug\u00fcn\u00fcn devrimci g\u00f6revidir. K\u0131z\u0131ldere bunu g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. 27 Nisan bu hatt\u0131 bug\u00fcne ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu \u00e7izgi kapanmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ve bu \u00e7izgi, bug\u00fcn yeniden sahiplenilmeyi de\u011fil, ileri ta\u015f\u0131nmay\u0131 beklemektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>KY: Kolektif M\u00fccadele Dergisi Sy.03<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Tarih, egemenlerin \u00e7izdi\u011fi bir do\u011frusal yol de\u011fildir;&#46;&#46;&#46;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":9445,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7,29],"tags":[],"manset":[],"class_list":["post-9444","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-makaleler","category-manset"],"amp_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9444","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=9444"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9444\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9447,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9444\/revisions\/9447"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9445"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=9444"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=9444"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=9444"},{"taxonomy":"manset","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kolektifmucadele1.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/manset?post=9444"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}